Simon Shercliff

First Secretary Foreign Security and Policy Washington

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Friday 23 October, 2009

Afghanistan/Pakistan – views from beyond the beltway

Last week I had an excellent few days in both New York and Boston talking to various scholars, think tankers and interested parties on Afghanistan and Pakistan policy. As expected, people were pretty opinionated over the current Obama review process. Whilst there were inevitably criticisms from some over western policy , I got the impression that  nearly everyone there felt that the main media debate over the last few weeks on whether to accept McChrystal’s suggested approach or not was not really the core issue at stake. 

Many of my contacts said we should get back to basics: start with the big questions such as “what are our objectives”, and then work back from there, walking through a clear, consistent process with full explanation along the way. We shouldn't invent, they said, artificial criteria  of success or failure or find ourselves trying to implement plans that required unsustainable levels of effort.  To be fair, I don't think that either the UK or US government would disagree with this approach, and this is what both governments have in fact tried to do.
 
A lot of the noise around the  discussion of "nation-building" in Afghanistan has become divorced from what we are trying to achieve. Put simply, we want to  get  the Afghan people to a stage where they are able to design and maintain their own way of life which is robust enough to repel the likes of Al Qaida from taking root there ever again (and from such a foothold in Afghanistan, then to attack us). Similar objectives exist for Pakistan. Ultimately, this means a long-term relationship  between our countries and the people of both Afghanistan and Pakistan built and sustained by mutual trust. That is why the Kerry-Lugar bill is so important – it sets the foundation for just such a relationship between Pakistan and the US. We want to reassure the Afghan people too that our commitment there will be long term, although of course not demonstrated by thousands of troops for the long term.  

So my big takeaway from these recent conversations outside the beltway was the need for us policy-makers to take a step back every now and then, raise our heads above the day-to-day grind, and keep our eyes fixed firmly on exactly what it is we want to achieve. Long term relationships are not single aiming points against which we can measure success or failure. But ultimately, I was persuaded, it is them which will keep us all safe from attack.

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Friday 28 August, 2009

Pakistan's Friends

Earlier this week in Istanbul, there was a high-level "Friends of Democratic Pakistan" meeting - for the US Ambassador Holbrooke attended, and for us his direct counter-part, Sir Sherard Cowper-Coles led the team. This grouping is now almost a year old - it was inaugurated at the UN General Assembly last year. It's purpose? Pretty much what it says on the tin - Pakistan's friends wanted a forum to discuss and consult with Pakistan how they can help Pakistan to ease its political, economic and security challenges. The (then) new Pakistan government, led by President Zardari, very much welcomed this offer of support, and the Friends grouping took off.
 
There was plenty to discuss in Istanbul. We have all watched over the last several months as the Pakistan Military and Law Enforcement Agencies have engaged in a vigorous campaign to confront militancy within its own borders. The Pakistan people have supported their authorities and security services in this campaign - a welcome showing of determination from within the population to stamp out these corrosive elements within their own borders. The Government of Pakistan has followed their extensive military operations with equal determination to smooth the difficulties caused by the millions of internally displaced people - more than 1.4 million of them have now returned home. The reconstruction and rehabilitation of the affected areas of Swat and Malakand remain a high priority of the Government of Pakistan - the Friends expressed their strong support in this crucial endeavor.
 
A wide-ranging list of other priority areas for the Friends to focus on was agreed at the meeting - see the official statement. The next step is a summit-level meeting of the Friends to be held once again in the margins of the UN General Assembly - it will be co-chaired by President Zardari, President Obama and our Prime Minister, Gordon Brown.

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Friday 05 June, 2009

We promise to stay, and we promise to go

One small part of President Obama's much-heralded speech in Cairo this week hit squarely the two key planks of both the US and the UK's Afghanistan/Pakistan policy: 1) a promise to bring troops out as soon as we are confident that there is no threat eminating from" violent extremists in Afghanistan and Pakistan determined to kill as many Americans [or Brits] as they possibly can"; and 2) a promise to continue building and strengthening our respective relationships with the Afghanistan and Pakistan governments and people, not least through long-term, non-military assistance programmes.

Obama said: "make no mistake: we do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan. We seek no military bases there". To the extent that we can work out accurately the motivations of the various parts of the insurgency in Afghanistan, we continually find that straightforward nationalism plays a part (just one part). The stationing of one country's troops on another country's soil has always, and almost universally, generated this characteristic, anywhere in the world. The people of Afghanistan, of whichever ethnic group, are no exception. We need to continue to make clear that we have no designs on any form of long-term, military occupation of these proud people.

But in the same breath, this policy needs to be balanced by another clear message - again President Obama brought it out in his speech. While the US and UK, and all our other allies, want to bring our combat troops home as soon as we can, we also want to emphasise that our governments are setting up a long-term commitment to support Afghanistan and Pakistan, politically and through our respective overseas aid departments. Obama said: "we also know that military power alone is not going to solve the problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan. That is why we plan to invest $1.5 billion each year over the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who have been displaced". The UK has commited $811 million to Afghanistan over the next four years - this is one our our biggest overseas aid commitments. We need to reinforce the message at every turn that we are not going to cut and run. We will not leave both coutries to whatever fate befalls them, once we decide that the threat to us has subsided.

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Wednesday 29 April, 2009

Afghanistan and Pakistan - a combined approach

Today, our Prime Minister announced the British strategy for Afghanistan and Pakistan. In truth it was an update to the strategy that he first announced on December 12 2007. The situation has certainly moved on since then; one of the biggest changes has been the new US policy developed by President Obama. So we did need to review where we were going, and make the necessary changes. Those interested in the detail behind the PM's speech can read more in our White Paper which sets out the way forward.

The main themes in our approach should be familiar to people who have watched the policy debate unfold in the US over the last six months or so:

• while Afghanistan and Pakistan are very different countries, demanding very different approaches, we do need to ensure coherance and coordination between those approaches;

• the cancerous insurgency rife on both sides of the Durand Line can and will only be defeated by a comprehensive approach - with political, military and development strands; 

• ultimately it is the people and leadership of those two countries who must come out on top - we must therefore help and support both the people and their governing and security institutions to do just that;

• concentrating on the central government machinery is not enough - local (district and provincial) structures must also be built up and given the confidence to take ownership of their own futures;

• reconciliation, or at the least acknowledging that there will have to be some form of political settlement in the final analysis, is a key part of the approach;

• and finally - most importantly - we should all understand that this problem is a shared problem. It is not just a concern of the US, or the UK, or Afghanistan, or Pakistan, or indeed anyone else. It is in the interests of all of us to carve out a pathway to peace in that part of the world, for our own collective interests. So we should act as a team, with all the various players contributing whatever makes most sense to them, whether that is infantry, money, civilian mentors or even favourable commercial terms for Afghanistan's licit agricultural exports

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Monday 29 September, 2008

No short-term fix to Pakistan's problems

The terrible suicide attack at the Marriott Hotel in Islamabad last weekend has caused me to step back and reflect. Like everyone else, I was shocked at its brutality, and send my condolences to all involevd. 

Pakistan is precariously poised, no doubt. On the one hand it suffers from instability in its border areas, which we all fear will spread to militancy and terrorism outside Pakistan. On the other its economy badly needs a shot in the arm - essentially a huge and complex package of aid  - and its newly elected civilian government needs all the support it can get.

We, the US and others all want to help and support the new government of Pakistan in its tough task ahead; gatherings of foreign ministers in New York this week are bringing coherence to this. But there is tension there: one problem requires the tactics and tools of a hard-core security strategy, complete with military hardware and trainers; the other necessitates long-term political and developmental strategies adressing educational needs and institutional reform. Inevitably the former wins the priority battle when plans for terrorist activity are either uncovered or, much worse, carried out. But both are needed in a sustained manner. We all must keep a sense of perspective, and our eyes fixed on the long-term goal. I thought this editorial in the respected Pakistani newspaper The Dawn helped to remind us of that need.

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