Ruairi O'Connell

The power of symbols

From the Embassy window, I can see a pair of eagles circling above Pristina; I've seen many in the Kosovo countryside, but I think it is rare to see them in an urban environment.

Eagles are revered across the Balkans (and more widely in Central and Eastern Europe). They feature on both the Albanian and Serbia (state) flag, in double-headed form. This set me thinking about the power of symbols in this part of the world.

There is a much-quoted story from the war in Croatia where a ceasefire was called between Croatian forces and Croatian Serb militia. The details of a local truce had been agreed, but the whole ceasefire collapsed over the issue of which flag - Serbian or Croatian - should fly over the local train station.

I can't vouch for the accuracy of the story, but it illustrates the importance given to symbols in this part of the world. Flags are everywhere in Kosovo; people fly them at weddings, when building houses, and on celebrations. And flags cause arguments, too: last week, a man was arrested after allegedly breaking into a Mosque and hanging a Serbian flag from the roof (and then, apparently, shooting at Kosovo police officers).

This was why so much effort was placed into the design of the new Kosovo flag, designed to represent ideals shared by all Kosovo's communities (its colours - blue, yellow and white - represent the European identity of Kosovo), and to alienate none. It is a commendable design, for this reason. But it will be a long time before we see Kosovo Serbs flying the flag. This is not the flag's fault. It's pretty obvious to say, but symbols represent people and views. So when the people are divided, the use of symbols will reflect that. Even the eagle symbol fails to unify; the Albanian eagle is black, the Serbian white. But the flag does represent a noble intention; to create new symbols that can represent everyone. And it is that intention - rather than the symbols themselves - that may mean that, in the future, everyone in Kosovo feels represented by shared symbols.

Posted at 16:29 04 July 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  | 

The Dog that Didn't Bark

A weekend trip to the Albanian coast - nine hours, but worth it to find a beautiful, and genuinely unspoiled, beach at the end.

A chance piece of graffiti, however, set me thinking. By the main road in Fier, a town in Southern Albania, someone had written a slogan, roughly translated as 'Long Live Ethnic Albania!'

It occurred to me that 'Greater Albania' was the dog that didn't - and still doesn't - bark. The graffiti was striking because, living in Kosovo, I had never seen the slogan before. Whilst it is possible to meet people who long for a union with Albania, they are a tiny minority in Kosovo (and, I suspect, in Albania too). The graffiti was notable for its rarity.

What are not rare, however, are the Albanian flags which are still common throughout Kosovo (especially during wedding season, when they are waved from cars in the bridal procession). The Kosovo Albanian community still maintains a strong sense of being 'Albanian' - much as Kosovo's Serbs, Roma, Turks, Bosniaks seem themselves as Serbian, Roma, Turkish and Bosniak, in the 'ethnic' sense of the word. It is interesting, however, that for Kosovo Albanians especially, the strong sense of ethnic identity has not translated into a movement for political unification.

There are various reasons for this. The Albanian language spoken in Kosovo is different from that spoken in much of Albania (but all Albanian speakers would claim to speak a common language). Moreover, the experience of the Albanian communities in Albania and Kosovo has diverged greatly since the First World War, most obviously with the Kosovo Albanians' experience under Milosevic. The experience of autonomy in Socialist Yugoslavia (and its withdrawal under Milosevic) cast the political question in very Kosovo-centric terms, as well as creating a "Kosovar" identity (albeit a fluid one which overlaps with other layers). In similar terms, the Kosovo Serb experience under Yugoslavia, forming much of the administrative and military elite for the whole country, mitigated against the formation of a separate Kosovo Serb identity, and towards identification with Serbia (of which Kosovo was a province).

Of course, identity, by its nature, is fluid, and often defies exact definition (and for this reason, I hope to see lots of comments on the blog - and expect most of them to disagree vehemently with me!) But in any case, there has been very limited political activism (in my experience) for a 'Greater Albania'. Of all the provisions in the Comprehensive Settlement Proposal , the prohibition on union with other countries was the easiest to sell to the Kosovo Albanians.

Posted at 16:50 01 July 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  | 

Lunch with the Kosovo Minister of Education

Lunch yesterday with Enver Hoxhaj, the Kosovo Minister of Education.

He has a significant challenge in front of him. Most socialist societies in transition benefit from having had a decent (and often excellent) educational system. Not so Kosovo. Following years of neglect since the second World War, under Milosevic, the K-Albanians were forcibly thrown out of the education system (the Milosevic-era Rector of Pristina University even suggested that Albanians should not 'even be given a pencil', lest they learn to become terrorists; he was later appointed Rector of the Mitrovica University by the Kostunica Government). For nearly ten years, K-Albanians had no access to the education system. Instead, they were taught in private homes which served as informal schools and universities, supported by voluntary funding from the diaspora. Throughout this period, teachers - and pupils - were subject to constant harassment and intimidation (and worse) from the police.

On top of this, schools were caught up in the systematic campaign of ethnic cleansing in Kosovo. Whilst schools in major towns were left intact (as the Serbian authorities would use them for the Serbian community), those in the villages were destroyed (along with houses and other buildings); in one part of Kosovo, 60% of schools are still accommodated in portakabins, which are hardly suitable for winters that can reach -20C.

After the war UNMIK and the creation of the Kosovo Ministry for Education, tried to redress the wrongs of the past. Importantly, the right to education in one's own language was guaranteed early on in Kosovo law (and further guaranteed by the Comprehensive Settlement Proposal ).

In 2005, we were approached by the municipality of Novo Brdo/Novobërdë to help support the construction of a school in the municipality. Their concept was to (re)create a multiethnic school; separate classes would be organised in both Serbian and Albanian, but practical classes and sports would be organised together. This was an initiative of the K-Serb mayor, and seemed a great way to use education to bring the communities together. We rapidly agreed.

However, whilst the school is now built, and due to open in September, we fell foul of attempts to use education as a weapon of ethnic separation. The Serbian government from 2005 started to put pressure on K-Serbian teachers to withdraw from receiving Kosovo salaries, and work exclusively for the 'Serbian' parallel authorities; pupils were to be taught in 'Serbian' schools with no contact with other communities. Our hopes to have this school used by both Serbs and Albanians fell foul of this; the K-Serb pupils, rather than using a school in their own village, are still forced to travel for miles to their own separate school. Even the K-Serb mayor and officials couldn't shield their community from this pressure. It is still depressing to see such policies in action, leading the K-Serbian community into a dead end.

To end on a positive note, I met representatives from Hope and Aid Direct , a UK charity bringing aid to vulnerable communities in Kosovo. Having seen the awful situation, they developed a 'school in a box project' to bring basic supplies to Kosovo schools (a lucky rural school will have windows and heating; many don't have enough desks or chairs, and are forced to re-use paper until there is no space left) [just moved this to the end of the sentence]. They rely on donations from the public in the UK, and from businesses generously donating surpluses. He was here, in part, to discuss ways of reaching those most at need in all ethnic communities (their slogan is "we bring aid, not sides"); so having seen one education project fall foul of attempts to use education to divide people, it was heartening to talk to someone trying to use education to help all of Kosovo's communities; regardless of ethnicity, they all need rapid investment in education.

Posted at 16:33 26 June 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  |  Comments[1]

Rule of Law in Kosovo - and why it matters to us

I chaired a meeting on 24 June drawing together 'Rule of Law' experts from across the British Government to talk about support to the Rule of Law in Kosovo.

In an impoverished, post conflict part of Europe, it is clear that establishing a functioning rule of law is a top priority - and a major challenge.

But it is in our interests to deal with it - for two compelling reasons. Firstly, a functioning rule of law is the foundation for long term conflict resolution - and the prevention of its recurrence. The solutions to the 'drivers of conflict' in Kosovo - those issues that set people against each other - all have a basis in the rule of law. Resolving the fate of the many people still missing from Kosovo needs forensic medical structures. Helping refugees to return home needs functioning courts that can guarantee their property rights. Reconciling a divided society needs a criminal justice system that can give redress to victims.

Secondly, poor states with weak justice and police systems are easy prey for organised criminals; the kind of organised criminals that do damage across Europe, including in the UK. By working with the Kosovo government, and the EU's Rule of Law mission in Kosovo, EULEX, to improve Kosovo's abilities to fight organised and serious crime, we are tackling these problems at source.

I've written before about Kosovo's image abroad. Kosovo is known for having a serious problem with organised crime. However, even this can have a lighter side. After a large robbery in the UK, a local police service in England released details of a reward for information. We were contacted by a man who claimed to have information about the perpertrators and their addresses. We were excited; this was a large case, and it would be good to show that international co-operation could bring immediate results. I arranged for him to be interviewed by a British police officer serving in the UN, and I translated. As he arrived, the man introduced himself, and then said that "Jhon Smith" (sic) from "Djibt in Scotland" was responsible. How did he find this out, I asked? From my 'professional system' - he was a 'mjek popullor' - a witch doctor - and had used a ouija board. We just about managed to end the interview before collapsing into fits of laughter. That day's lesson - yes, there's a problem in Kosovo, but don't over-estimate it and end up chasing shadows.

For every one of these lighter moments, the Embassy assists on a large number of serious criminal investigations, by helping co-operation between Kosovo and UK law enforcement officers. But the most important contribution from the UK to the fight against crime in Kosovo are the numerous men and women who have served with the UNMIK police, and who will serve with EULEX. Their role has been vital in supporting a brand new police force - and the Kosovars appreciate this greatly. Although their work is not always visible in the UK, it has been vital in keeping the UK safe.

Posted at 10:09 26 June 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  | 

Blog: EURO 2008

Watching Sweden vs Russia last night on a big screen in central Pristina (provided by the Swiss Government - and winning them a high profile and lots of friends in football-mad Kosovo!) made me realise how much EURO 2008 says about Kosovo.

Firstly, the positive image of Europe. Kosovo's citizens (of all ethnicities) share the aspiration to join (eventually) the European Union. But they bristle, understandably, at the suggestion (made usually by foreigners) that they might, one day, 'join Europe'. They counter that, whilst they want to join the EU, they are already part of Europe - geographically, culturally, and emotionally. This is a source of considerably pride, perhaps not obvious to those of us whose European identity is not under question. And this positive image of Europe expresses itself in the least expected places. One TV commentator here insists in calling spectular goals "Eurogoals" (as in 'what a Eurogoal from Christiano Ronaldo). The popular Balkan chocolate spread is called 'Eurokrem' too; so the prefex 'euro' carries a mark of quality and luxury.

Secondly, it's easy to see how qualifying for major sporting events (like EURO 2008) is a source of national pride. But for Kosovo, denied the chance to participate in sporting events since Milosevic came to power, international sporting competition is all the more important. I spoke last month to the head of the Kosovo Olympic Committee, who is trying (without much success so far) to get Kosovo athletes to the Beijing Olympics (I understand Kosovo has some credible boxers and weightlifters); they will redouble their efforts to make it to London in 2012. So Kosovo football fans have mixed feelings watching EURO 2008; they enjoy the spectacle, but wish they had at least a chance to qualify.

Thirdly, football tournaments in general illustrate the relationship of the Kosovo diaspora (about whom I have previously written) with their host country. The diaspora has been a bedrock of support for Kosovo's Albanian community since the early 1990s - both financially and politically. So it is intriguing to see the strength of support for the 'host' countries' teams - especially Germany, Switzerland, Austria and Sweden, who have large Kosovo Albanian diaspora, but also England (although sadly not this time). This stretches from people who now hold the citizenship of the host state, to those who spent a few years or months there (and even who may have been returned unwillingly to Kosovo). I am still struck by how quickly the K-Albanians adopt the identity of the host state, and the strength of gratitude towards it - and how they see no contradiction in remaining proudly Albanian.

Finally, the fans at the big screen show how Kosovo is still a very political place; whether a team gets supported seems to depend on whether or not the country has recognised Kosovo. A reminder, lest we forget the importance of independence.

Posted at 16:23 19 June 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  | 

The Kosovo Question

No - not 'that' Kosovo question; that one was answered on 17 February

There is another question that anyone who has spent time in Kosovo will have heard. I was at a modern dance workshop last weekend (I wasn't doing the dancing...) when I heard it again. The workshop was held by two US 'cultural envoys' , two modern dance instructors working with various dance groups in Kosovo, including the National Ballet. At the end of the session, one of the audience asked the envoys what I call the Kosovo Question - "how do our (in this case) dancers compare internationally?"

This gives a real insight into Kosovo. Kosovo's population under Milosevic (and commonly throughout the twentieth century) was surpressed, isolated, and often struggling to make ends meet from day-to-day. The first casualty of this was Kosovo's cultural life - be it the arts, media or sport. As Kosovo begins to make use of the new opportunities since 1999, people here naturally want to know how they compare. This stems in part from the natural pride of a brand new country, in part in reflection of a desire to learn and develop. But it also betrays a certain need for affirmation, and confirmation that Kosovo is on the right path. Again, after such isolation, this is understandable.

And, for the record, the US visitors were impressed by the technical skills of the Kosovo Ballet.

Posted at 14:22 09 May 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  |  Comments[3]

Trip to Gjakova/Djakovica

A day trip to the South-West Kosovo town of " Gjakova " in Albanian; "Djakovica " in Serbian on Saturday. Gjakova , historically a centre of Albanian intellectuallism , and later Albanian nationalism (dating from Ottoman times), suffered heavily in the war. During the fighting in 1999, Yugoslav forces drove out the population of the city; many hundreds of people are still missing. Having driven out the population, the Yugoslav forces then proceeded to burn down or blow up the historic centre of the city.

After KFOR entered Kosovo in June, most of Gjakova's population returned - and set about rebuilding the destroyed town. Today, most of it is rebuilt, offering a glimpse of Kosovo's Ottoman past.

But, alongside the return and reconstruction, there was also further destruction; the Serbian Church in the centre of town was destroyed in a revenge attack. The church, a modern build, has not been a priority for restoration work, and the site remains empty. With no Serbian community in Gjakova to rebuild it for (even before the war, very few Serbs lived in Gjakova - mostly connected to the state structures) , it's not clear when, if ever, the Church will be rebuilt.

This leads me to consider some of the questions people have put on the blog. To answer some of your questions, as I noted before, Mosques and Churches were targetted by using culture as a weapon in the conflict. The war in Kosovo wasn't related to religion; Islam does not play a central role in Kosovo Albanian identity. Neither were Mosques used to store weapons; they were targetted as symbols of the Albanian community.

It also leads me to a final thought; the Kosovo that existed before the war will only be fully restored once the Kosovo Serbs come back to rebuild - and they themselves choose to get involved.

Posted at 11:01 08 May 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  | 

Earth Day

On 22 April, I took part in a Kosovo Government event to mark 'Earth Day'. My chief contribution was, with other diplomatic colleagues, to plant a new tree in one of Pristina's parks (see photo).

Earth Day, a celebration conceived by US Senator Gaylord Nelson, offers a chance to reflect on the core concept in 'globalisation'; that we are all effected by actions elsewhere in the world. Specifically, Senator Nelson's idea was to raise awareness of the need to protect the environment; over thirty years later, and thanks in part to his efforts, there is increased understanding of the impact of human activity on the climate (see the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change website at http://www.ipcc.ch/).

Environmental issues have, understandably, not been very high on Kosovo's political or social agenda in the last twenty years; the conflict has dominated public discussion and private thought. Yet, with independence, Kosovo has had a cathartic moment; many issues, once starved of oxygen, are finding room for expression. Protection of the natural environment is one of those.

Kosovo approaches this issue from a specific perspective. In the UK, we are increasingly aware of the longer-term, global impact of human behaviour. For Kosovo, environmental issues are more immediate and tangible. A newly-independent, economically under-developed state, Kosovo will rely on agriculture and natural resources heavily in the coming years. These issues increasingly will be the focus of 'patriotic' politics here; in the words of one Kosovo politician, "why should we worry about negotiating a few hundred hectares with Macedonia, when our behaviour costs us tens of thousands of hectares in potential agricultural land annually". Earth Day also saw one of Kosovo's first environmental demonstration - by villagers living downwind from the (heavily-polluting) coal-fired power station.

So Kosovo comes to these issues from a heavy 'national interest' point-of-view. But this is welcome; indeed, our efforts to galvanise international action against climate change benefit if more countries begin to see environmental concerns as central to their natural interests.

Posted at 16:00 02 May 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  |  Comments[1]

The Kosovo Diaspora

Away from Kosovo for ten days; a good time to think about the impact of the Kosovo diaspora.

During the 1990s, driven by political repression and economic hardship, large numbers of Kosovo Albanians left Kosovo -the Kosovo government estimate that 17% (of a population of 1.8-2.4m) live outside Kosovo. A large number of Kosovo Turks also left (mostly to Turkey), and Kosovo Serbs (mostly to Serbia, where there were better economic opportunities). At the same time, Milosevic settled large numbers of Serbs displaced from Croatia and Bosnia in Kosovo - many of whom left, along with other Kosovo Serbs, following the entry of NATO and UNMIK in 1999 (and also following revenge attacks immediately after the conflict).

Historically, diaspora communities, especially in the US and Western Europe, have exerted vast influence on conflicts. In many cases, the diaspora have provided funding. But otherwise, they provide a community in which activists can mobilise, and a way of energising Western opinion. However, as the conflict progresses, the diaspora can be a brake to progress; they often remain untouched by reconciliation initiatives, and remain relatively unaffected by the privations of conflict. Historically, there is some evidence that diaspora continue to fund conflicts, in part to maintain a link with their country of origin; what price the feeling of patriotism?

Kosovo is no different regarding the influence the Kosovo Albanian diaspora had on Kosovo. Much of a generation left Kosovo in search of work and educational opportunities from the early 1990s onwards. During the 1990s, diaspora funds (through a levy collected by the 'government-in-exile') supported the parallel education and healthcare systems for the Kosovo Albanians, after Serbia had excluded them from state structures. Through remittances, most Kosovo Albanian families received help from relatives in the diaspora (help that continues today and is vital for Kosovo's economy). It printed newspapers, and, along with the BBC world service, provided a source of information in Kosovo. It acted as a base for lobbying on Kosovo. As Milosevic stepped up his campaign in Kosovo, and the KLA emerged in the mid-1990s, the diaspora also provided funding - and recruits - for the new force.

The Kosovo Albanian diaspora still has a vital role to play. Importantly, the diaspora has, in the main, supported the compromises made by the Kosovo Albanians in Kosovo as part of the final status process; this has been important in making them stick. The money has also kept on coming, but, perhaps, in lesser amounts than before. This is, however, a mixed blessing. The funds are vital to support many families, but they also distort the labour market. Kosovo has a relatively high 'reservation wage' (the notional wage necessary to attract new entrants into the labour market) compared to the region, which could potentially serve as an obstacle to economic development. The trick for Kosovo's government is to channel these payments away from support to everyday consumption and investment in Kosovo's future.

There is also a Kosovo Serb diaspora of sorts, consisting of those with links to Kosovo, and those displaced following the war. It is clear that the Kosovo institutions must do all that they can to show that, just as with Kosovo Albanians who left during the 1990s, Kosovo Serbs who left subsequently have a place in Kosovo's future. Not an easy task; but the alternative - separation and festering resentment - helps no-one.

Posted at 12:39 17 April 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  | 

The Remains of War

Last week, I went to an event to mark the International Day for Landmine awareness and Assistance, held at a Kosovo Protection Corps (http://www.tmk-ks.org/new/english/fillimi/index.php) site just outside Pristina.

Following the conflict in the 1990s, the legacy of war still casts a long shadow over Kosovo. The event on Friday was a reminder how important it is to deal with this legacy - both physical and societal.

During the war, the Yugoslav armed forces used landmines extensively across Kosovo. Many, even most, of these minefields were not properly marked, vastly complicating their removal. On top of this, Kosovo still has traces of unexploded bombs in certain areas dating from the conflict; last week, a man was killed tampering with such a bomb. Together, these are known as unexploded ordnance (UXO)

Since 1999, 112 people have been killed in Kosovo by UXO, many of them children. However, from thousands of contaminated areas in 1999, there now remain only 60 areas to be cleared, with 73 to be checked. Much of this work was completed by the explosive ordnance disposal (EOD) teams of the KPC, who have cleared over 700,000 square metres throughout Kosovo.

Under the guidance of UNMIK's KPC Co-ordinator (a British Major General), the KPC has built up an impressive EOD capacity, which was on show on Friday. This has meant that a national organisation, rather than an international NGO, has taken the lead in clearing Kosovo of the material legacy of war. They, as with all the other mine clearers and EOD teams in Kosovo and across the world, risk their lives daily to deal with this menace. I was struck most of all by the seemingly low-tech nature of much of the kit; the KPC use plastic funnels, like you would find in the kitchen, to mark and isolate pieces of UXO. It takes a certain kind of courage to do this for a living.

This UXO is as much part of the legacy of conflict as the small arms that still blight Kosovo. My piece on small arms attracted some comments. My understanding is that there is a tradition of holding arms across the Balkans, particularly in more remote areas. But also, as with other conflicts, the proliferation of small arms is a legacy of conflict, too. The problem will not be solved over night - the sheer scale shows that. And not everyone wants to give up their arms just yet. But the overall direction of travel is the right one.

The legacy of conflict is more than just physical - it is societal, psychological. And so the KPC contribution is significant beyond their concrete involvement with UXO-clearance. The KPC was formed following the demilitarisation of the Kosovo Liberation Army, after the conflict in 1999. A civil emergency organisation, it has worked on EOD, flood and fire response, as well as a range of humanitarian projects across Kosovo. However, its original provenance of ex-KLA members means that it has provided a clear way to reintegrate former fighters into society - and to get them contributing to reconciliation. I noted in a previous post the presence of a former KLA commander at an event against small arms. The point is that, after any conflict, it is vital to give former combatants a way to demobilise, and contribute to society - whatever one thinks about the group in question. Secondly, following last month's tragic explosion at Gerdec in Tirana (see http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/7299187.stm), the KPC EOD teams were the largest international contribution to the clean-up operation. Just over a month after Kosovo's independence, this was a clear demonstration that Kosovo can contribute internationally. Conflicts world-wide share similar legacies; be they physical, social or psychological. Dealing with all these legacies is a vital foundation to preventing a resurgence of conflict.

Posted at 10:20 15 April 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  |  Comments[2]

Islam in Kosovo

Easter Sunday tells us a lot about Islam in Kosovo.

During the Easter weekend, Kosovo's public broadcaster (RTK - http://www.rtklive.com/eng/index.php) transmitted a series of films about Easter, catering mainly, but not exclusively, to Kosovo's Catholic population (which consists of ethnic Albanians and Croats). Tellingly, Kosovo's Albanian Muslims also celebrated Easter, sometimes with their Catholic neighbours, but often on their own.
 
Islam arrived in Kosovo with the Ottoman empire. Beforehand, the Albanian population across the Balkans was mostly Christian, following either the Greek Orthodox Church or Roman Catholicism. The conversions to Islam were, in the main, voluntary. But they were also often 'economic', to get access to the exemption from tax granted to Muslims under the Ottomans. Hence Albanian Islam was famous historically for the practice of 'crypto-Christianity', where the head of the household converted to Islam, but women remained Christian, and children were raised (in varying degrees) in the Christian faith. This practice continued into the twentieth century - and has echoes even in the 1990s, when Kosovo Albanian Muslims, would, for example, visit the Decani Monastery (http://www.kosovo.net/main.html) on feast days. Colleagues who have served in other Muslim countries, including in the Middle East, tell me that this happens elsewhere too.

While Albanians were early, generally willing, converts, Islam never penetrated very deep into Albanian society. And unlike other Balkan Muslim communities, Islam played a very minor role in the creation of an Albanian national identity; instead, Albanian culture and language were the core around which Albanian identity was formed.

Earlier this month, Kosovo sent a delegation to the Organisation of the Islamic Conference Summit (http://www.oic-oci.org/oicnew/home.asp) headed by their Minister for Education, Enver Hoxhaj. Their aim was to use the opportunity to lobby a number of states to recognise Kosovo - many of whom have previously expressed solidarity with Kosovo. This has been and remains a difficult balancing act; seeking international recognition - but avoiding using Islam to define Kosovo.

Kosovo leaders play this balancing act elsewhere. A large number of mosques were destroyed by Yugoslav forces during the Kosovo war. I have written before about the corresponding destruction of churches after the war. Whereas the Kosovo government pledged to rebuild and repair all the damaged Churches - it made no such commitment for mosques (neither did the Serbian government); instead, those rebuilt were done so with private donations. For a few days, the decision to rebuild Churches but not mosques caused some minor controversy. But the feeling amongst most Kosovo Albanians, once people had reflected, was that it was right that they pay to repair the damage done by their co-nationals; some would also have felt uncomfortable with Kosovo paying for mosques from its budget. The draft Kosovo constitution (http://www.kushtetutakosoves.info/repository/docs/DraftConstitutionEnglish.pdf - "The Republic of Kosovo is a secular state and neutral in matters of religious belief") is avowedly secular. Will Kosovo offer an example of a secular, European, majority-Muslim democracy?

Posted at 11:28 25 March 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  |  Comments[4]

A troubled day in Northern Kosovo

A troubled day in Northern Kosovo.

On Friday 14 March, a mob, armed with metal bars, overran and destroyed the police points outside the court in North Mitrovica, and occupied the building. UNMIK made clear, early on, that such behaviour would not be tolerated, and the SRSG directed the police to restore law and order in Northern Mitrovica.

UNMIK attempted throughout the weekend to talk with those occupying the court to resolve the issue. By Monday, it was clear that these efforts would not bear fruit. UNMIK also had intelligence that K-Serb extremists were planning to attack another building in Mitrovica (either police or prison). So, in the early hours of 17 March, UNMIK Police, supported by KFOR forces, entered the court building and detained those still occupying the compound. They did not use force - they didn't need to (but they did, naturally, handcuff those they  detained ). They made preparations to remove them for questioning elsewhere in Kosovo .   

In response, an angry mob of Serbs formed by the courthouse. When UNMIK tried to move the second group of prisoners, they attacked the convoy, using vehciles to block its path, and set the prisoners free. They then turned their attention to KFOR and UNMIK  at the courthouse, whom they attacked with rocks, firearms and grenades. Over  50 police and soldiers were injured, some seriously. 1 Ukrainian police officer, tragically, died of his injuries. KFOR and UNMIK were forced to defend themselves from the mob; Serbian media have reported 60 injured amongst the inhabitants of Mitrovica.

These are the facts of the matter as I understand them (see the UNMIK/KFOR press briefing [PDF] for more details, or the BBC report )

Serbia's 'Minister for Kosovo and Metohija'*, Slobodan Samardzic called  the arrests 'unjustified', and accused  UNMIK of violence.

But in a situation where a Serb mob overran and occupied the Court (which is run by UNMIK  under UN Security Council Resolution 1244 - see unmikonline)  and  UNMIK exhausted every effort to persuade them to surrender with no success, the police would be justifed in taking action to resume control of the court - without harm to those inside.  

And in a situation where  the police came under sustained fire from an angry mob while carrying out its duties, the police, supported by KFOR, would be justified in responding with the minimum force necessary to retain control of the court building and protect their own personnel.  

For two weeks, the court has been the focus of protests, and attempts at capture, by a group of former employees of the Serbian court system. This has prevented the court from carrying out its work for some time (the court covers all of Mitrovica region - not only for the Serb community). The protestors claim that they were expelled from their jobs in 1999, and only want them back. This is misleading. In 1999, the Serbian Court system (run by Serbs, for Serbs) was, along with other Yugoslav state structures, removed from Kosovo. In its place, UNMIK established a multiethnic  judicial system, run for all Kosovo's communities. The protestors are not simply asking for their jobs back; they are asking us to turn the clock back to 1999, to an unacceptable situation where Kosovo Albanians were denied access to justice .

What we saw yesterday was an attack on law enforcement officers trying to carry ot their duty in ensuring justice for all in Kosovo, as mandated by UN Security Council Resolution 1244. To call this unjustified and to accuse UNMIK of violence seems to me like a return to the worst thinking of the past and echoes the kind of behaviour, and tactics, we saw in the Balkans in the 1990s.

*More name issues. During Kosovo's period of autonomy in Yugoslavia, it was known simply as Kosovo; when Milosevic came to power, he renamed the province to an earlier Serbian name - 'Kosovo and Metohija', Metohija being the Western part of Kosovo (known as Dukagjin by Albanians) home to many of the most historical Churches - from metokhe, Greek word meaning religious community. UNMIK, and the British government, simply use Kosovo.

Posted at 11:48 20 March 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  |  Comments[1]

Water Troubles

Access to water resources is meant to be the emerging 'driver of conflict' as we enter the 21st century. Climate change, population increases, and urbanisation mean increasing pressures on scarce water resources, making conflict more likely.

We are yet to see our first 'water war', thankfully. But in Kosovo, the government is keeping a close eye on the water issue - and the long term weather reports. Despite a brief - if quite fierce - downpour on Saturday, two dry winters caused a severe lack of water across Kosovo last summer, affecting domestic consumption, agriculture, and also industry (I hadn't realised quite how much cooling water Kosovo's two coal-powered power stations use). This winter has been even drier. This has left Kosovo's reservoirs at unprecedented, low levels - even before the summer begins.

Kosovo's position is noteworthy. A country the size, roughly, of Devon and Cornwall together, it sits astride three water tables, with rivers flowing to the Aegean, Adriatic and Black Seas. It is also home to the Nerodimka river (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nerodimka) once a unique example of river bifurcation in Europe. Landlocked, its major rivers either flowing from its neighbours (like the Ibar, from Serbia) or into them (like the Drin, to Albania), Kosovo will not be able to manage its water resources without reference to its neighbours.

Of course, Kosovo's neighbours, especially those also land-locked, will need to refer to Kosovo in managing their own resources.

Last summer, the Kosovo authorities took a series of emergency measures to conserve water (such as a hosepipe ban, reductions in shortages, drilling of new wells), but these are, by their nature, just stop-gap measures. Water provision is one of the first challenges that the newly-independent Kosovo faces; and its resolution will require strategic thought, tough (and unpopular, no doubt) decisions - and, as soon as possible, a regional approach.

Posted at 17:28 03 March 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  |  Comments[1]

Clash of Cultures?

A friend's birthday on Friday provided a perfect counterpoint to a busy, and heavily political, week.

With typical creativity, he chose to celebrate it in the Pristina Hammam (a traditional bathhouse -  some images on Agron Islami's website at http://www.pbase.com/agroni/kosova), to show support for efforts to protect and restore some of Kosovo's cultural treasures.

The Hammam was built whilst Kosovo was under Ottoman rule. SInce, then, it has fallen on hard times. Under the socialist Yugoslavia, historical heritage suffered  at the hands of the modernisers (much of Pristina's old town was cleared to make way, so it seems, for a road junction, and a slightly tatty open space by the Kosovo municipal building) . The hammam now is little more than a shell. However, a project has begun to restore it to former glories, (see chwbkosovo)  financed by the Pristina municipality and the Swedish government; good luck to them.

The protection of cultural heritage was a key part of the UN Special Envoy  Ahtisaari's plan for Kosovo (see UNOSEK), because cultural heritage, and its protection, gives a real foundation to people's identity in this part of the world. It can be hard to understand from a British perspective. I understand it thus; the presence of churches, mosques, kulla (traditional Albanian fortified farmhouses, essentially) and hammams serves as physical proof that the communities who built these monuments and structures have historical roots and a living presence in Kosovo, in a region where both have, historically, been called into question.

Sadly, this can mean that culture becomes yet another area of political competition - and worse.  For example,  I talked on Friday to someone claiming that the Decani monastery ( see Decani monastery link), a UNESCO-listed Serbian Orthodox Monastery, was somehow equally Serb and Albanian and that the Serbs had made exclusive claims to it through historical revisionism. It's pretty uncontroversial to acknowledge that in past times Albanians would have visited the monastery, but I've yet to hear a convincing account of how the Albanians in the region built the Church, and  I have little doubt that the Monstary was built by Serbian Kings

 More worrying, however, are the attacks  aimed at removing  the physical evidence of the 'other' community's existence.  Both Albanians and Serbs suffered; during the war, Albanian Kullas were targetted, as were Mosques across Kosovo, and the house in Prizren where the pan-Albanian autonomy movement met was blown up and bulldozed over by Serbian forces. Kosovo Albanians  contrast this with their protection of  Churches during the Ottoman times. There is evidence for this, but it rings  pretty hollow following the events of March 2004 where Serbian Churches were deliberately targetted by extremists (leaving 35 damaged or destroyed).

From the contacts I have with both communities, it seems clear that, to the mainstream on both sides, this cycle is abhorent. But is is clear that, on the extremist fringes, there are groups who see cultural sites as fair game (and I don't think this is a question of religion - it is, instead, a battle of ethnic identities).

The challenge now is to break this cycle. The Kosovo government has to take the lead on this. The approach that they have taken so far makes sense; "these sites are part of everyone's heritage in Kosovo, and we should protect them". This, however, isn't so far from "these sites are ours, and we should protect them" - a line that, again, raises fears of cultural appropriation and assymilation, and has been used by, for example, the radical 'Self-Determination Movement' (or Vetevendosja in Albanian) to that end.

It will also take a degree of hard work and dedication (and not just positive rhetoric) to put in place the kind of protection foreseen in Ahtisaari when , historically, cultural sites have suffered not only from political competition, but also from simple neglect (as with the hammam). This offers a new way to deal with the problem, in a technical way (the British government has provided a grant to the Kosovo government to establish a system to monitor and protect cultural sites).  Most importantly, the Kosovo government, who have funded the repair and reconstruction of the Churches damaged and destroyed in 2004 , need to keep on putting their money where their mouth is.

Posted at 17:04 25 February 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  | 

Independence Day: What was it like?

The details are all over the news. Kosovo declared independence on 17 February. The UK, based on assurances given to us from the Kosovo government, recognised Kosovo on the 18 February, and, together with the US and some of our European partners, we established diplomatic relations.

Mark Mardell has an interesting account of the celebrations in Pristina. He makes one very insightful point; the celebrations in Pristina over the last few days (and I can still hear celebratory car horns in the background as I write) have had an extra intensity to those in Montenegro.

It's worth asking why. There is much comment in the media about how Independence will not be a panacea for Kosovo. Well, of course it won't be. Thing is - no Kosovar (or Kosovian, or Kosovan)* thinks it will be. They hope that independence will open up new opportunities, and perhaps encourage a few of the more pioneering investors to look into Kosovo. But the real reason they want independence is to leave behind the awful experience of the past. Even so, it was encouraging to hear the PM and  President speak following the declaration. Both made a point of speaking in Serbian; both made efforts to show that, in the PM's words, 'the Kosovo government will stamp out discriminatory processes' ( it's good that they made this promise  -  the 'International Civilian Representative' will deploy to make sure they stick to them). The President said that Kosovo history could be divided into all that went before Independence, and Kosovo's new era. This has set the tone for the past few days; people want to get away from the cycle of violence so common in the Balkans.

The main celebrations stretched over two nights. The first - with the official concert, unveiling of the new flag (see  http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Flag_of_Kosovo) - and 80 tonnes of fireworks launched from the centre of the city (and causing one nervous diplomat - me - to obsess about public service broadcasts from my childhood about not launching fireworks in built up areas, even if the display was carried out by Croatian experts) went off pretty smoothly. But, to many Kosovo Albanians, it didn't feel 'real'. I sat with one young Kosovo MP at the concert. She kept on saying "I can't believe it". It seemed to me that people were celebrating, in part, to make it true. The most moving moment was when the audience stood, spontaneously, when the Kosovo philharmonic played Ode to Joy - the European anthem; a sign, for me, that people want to look forward, not back.

The second day was very different. The first countries to recognise Kosovo had made their announcements (see number ten website). So when the news broke, people flooded back onto the streets. This time, there was no government organisation, no firework display or concert. But, despite a second night of cold weather, people just wanted to be there. The town, again, was covered in flags - not just the Albanian flag, or the new Kosovo flag, but the flags of any number of European countries - Germany and Switzerland (the first country to declare in favour of independence in mid 2007) particularly prominent. There were also posters thanking Britain for our role - the role we played in 1999 has not been forgotten.

Worth noting one thing. Besides a handful of injuries from the inevitable celebratory gunfire that accompanies any celebrations in Europe east of a line from Vienna to Helsinki, there were no security incidents over either evening. The government had taken steps to make sure that nothing ruined the day - Kosovo was plastered with posters urging people to 'celebrate with dignity'.

We also spent the days on the phone with those Kosovo Serb villagers we had talked to as part of the outreach programme. They were nervous about what might happen; they were concerned that Kosovo Albanian 'euphoria' would spill over into violence, in a repeat of March 2004.  I understand their fears. They had done nothing to provoke the violence in March 2004, yet had suffered deeply because of it, with 19 killed (Serbs and Albanians), and thousands more displaced. They feared that, again, they would be targetted through no fault of their own. But this time nothing happened. As a result, KFOR, the NATO-lead peacekeeping force, recorded zero  population movement during the last few days. This is something to celebrate.

Sadly, we haven't got through the whole week without violence. Yesterday, mobs from the K-Serb inhabited Northern part of Kosovo over-ran and burnt down two customs posts on the border with Serbia. Thankfully, no-one was hurt, but it was a disgraceful act that only ended up hurting the Kosovo Serbs in Northern Kosovo, who rely on those crossing points to pass back and forth to Serbia.

These mobs exist on the fringes of Kosovo Serb society; they do not represent the vast majority of Kosovo Serbs, who, every time I speak to them, want to talk about jobs, education, and opportunities for their children before discussing anything political (although we do, of course, discuss their deeply-held political views). But Kosovo Serbs in central Kosovo are made more nervous by the actions of their counterparts in Northern Kosovo; they feel most vulnerable to potential violent counter-reactions, and to any resulting destabilisation. 

But, for now, the events in the North are a  sideshow. We will have a lot to do to build on the mostly positive start, but Kosovo is in pretty good shape in its first week.

* Names again: lots of debate about what to call someone from Kosovo. UN sometimes  - but not always - says Kosovan. Kosovar is the term used by the Albanians - and thus rejected by the Serbs. Kosovian sounds too gothic and Kosovon like something from Dan Dare. I tend to use 'people of Kosovo', but that's hardly user friendly. Are there other ideas?)

Posted at 19:26 21 February 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  |  Comments[4]