Ruairi O'Connell

Europe Day

9 May is Europe Day, marking the Schumann Declaration on 9 May 1950 which set the foundations for the European Union.

In Kosovo, the first post-Independence Europe Day has special significance. I have written previously about Kosovo's desire to enjoy all the opportunities that were denied to her until now. People feel that they have been watching a party from the sidelines; they have watched many of their neighbours pass through transition and join the European Union, and they are impatient to join them in this process.

I've also noted the realism here about Independence. People know that it is the start - not the end - of a journey. We used to talk, rather coyly, about Kosovo's 'final status', rather than independence. But this is misleading. There is no 'end state' for economic and democratic progress; there is always room for further development. The Kosovo Government's slogan for Europe Day says it all "And Now - The European Union".

Kosovo is, in this respect, very lucky to be in Europe. States risk losing political cohesion following independence. But Kosovo has ahead of it a long-term, all-emcompassing political vision, around which there is political and social consensus. And there needs to be. EU integration is a long and difficult process - and well it should be. It's not like joining any other international organisation. It is not simply a treaty commitment. Rather, for countries in transition, it is a top-to-bottom reworking of the state, to meet the standards and practices of the European Union (known as the 'acquis communautaire'. For the Western Balkans, accession is the last step in the 'Stabilisation and Association Process', guiding the states from conflict to accession.

Somewhat strangely, the 'Self-Determination' Movement (known by its Albanian name - Vetevendosja) chose to hold its latest protest on 9 May. One would have thought that their main demand - Kosovo's independence - was met on 17 February, when Kosovo declared independence. Instead, Vetevendojsa changed tack, claiming that Kosovo wasn't 'really' independent. Instead, they chose Europe Day to protest mainly about the Serbian elections (see below), but also to directed their anger at the Kosovo Government and UNMIK. They threw rubbish at the government and UNMIK, and sprayed sewage at the buildings, and at the Kosovo flag. I think people will judge for themselves what resorting to these tactics says about the strength of Vetevendosje's arguments.

In fact, the EU integration process is worth the effort. Not only does EU membership bring obvious benefits (including full access to the a huge potential market - something vital if the Western Balkans, or indeed any individual member state, is to attract foreign investment), but the reform process itself brings benefits across a range of areas (good government, anti-corruption are two obvious ones in this part of the world), and each step in the process is a reaffirmation of progress.

Posted at 10:58 12 May 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  | 

Independence Day: What was it like?

The details are all over the news. Kosovo declared independence on 17 February. The UK, based on assurances given to us from the Kosovo government, recognised Kosovo on the 18 February, and, together with the US and some of our European partners, we established diplomatic relations.

Mark Mardell has an interesting account of the celebrations in Pristina. He makes one very insightful point; the celebrations in Pristina over the last few days (and I can still hear celebratory car horns in the background as I write) have had an extra intensity to those in Montenegro.

It's worth asking why. There is much comment in the media about how Independence will not be a panacea for Kosovo. Well, of course it won't be. Thing is - no Kosovar (or Kosovian, or Kosovan)* thinks it will be. They hope that independence will open up new opportunities, and perhaps encourage a few of the more pioneering investors to look into Kosovo. But the real reason they want independence is to leave behind the awful experience of the past. Even so, it was encouraging to hear the PM and  President speak following the declaration. Both made a point of speaking in Serbian; both made efforts to show that, in the PM's words, 'the Kosovo government will stamp out discriminatory processes' ( it's good that they made this promise  -  the 'International Civilian Representative' will deploy to make sure they stick to them). The President said that Kosovo history could be divided into all that went before Independence, and Kosovo's new era. This has set the tone for the past few days; people want to get away from the cycle of violence so common in the Balkans.

The main celebrations stretched over two nights. The first - with the official concert, unveiling of the new flag (see  http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Flag_of_Kosovo) - and 80 tonnes of fireworks launched from the centre of the city (and causing one nervous diplomat - me - to obsess about public service broadcasts from my childhood about not launching fireworks in built up areas, even if the display was carried out by Croatian experts) went off pretty smoothly. But, to many Kosovo Albanians, it didn't feel 'real'. I sat with one young Kosovo MP at the concert. She kept on saying "I can't believe it". It seemed to me that people were celebrating, in part, to make it true. The most moving moment was when the audience stood, spontaneously, when the Kosovo philharmonic played Ode to Joy - the European anthem; a sign, for me, that people want to look forward, not back.

The second day was very different. The first countries to recognise Kosovo had made their announcements (see number ten website). So when the news broke, people flooded back onto the streets. This time, there was no government organisation, no firework display or concert. But, despite a second night of cold weather, people just wanted to be there. The town, again, was covered in flags - not just the Albanian flag, or the new Kosovo flag, but the flags of any number of European countries - Germany and Switzerland (the first country to declare in favour of independence in mid 2007) particularly prominent. There were also posters thanking Britain for our role - the role we played in 1999 has not been forgotten.

Worth noting one thing. Besides a handful of injuries from the inevitable celebratory gunfire that accompanies any celebrations in Europe east of a line from Vienna to Helsinki, there were no security incidents over either evening. The government had taken steps to make sure that nothing ruined the day - Kosovo was plastered with posters urging people to 'celebrate with dignity'.

We also spent the days on the phone with those Kosovo Serb villagers we had talked to as part of the outreach programme. They were nervous about what might happen; they were concerned that Kosovo Albanian 'euphoria' would spill over into violence, in a repeat of March 2004.  I understand their fears. They had done nothing to provoke the violence in March 2004, yet had suffered deeply because of it, with 19 killed (Serbs and Albanians), and thousands more displaced. They feared that, again, they would be targetted through no fault of their own. But this time nothing happened. As a result, KFOR, the NATO-lead peacekeeping force, recorded zero  population movement during the last few days. This is something to celebrate.

Sadly, we haven't got through the whole week without violence. Yesterday, mobs from the K-Serb inhabited Northern part of Kosovo over-ran and burnt down two customs posts on the border with Serbia. Thankfully, no-one was hurt, but it was a disgraceful act that only ended up hurting the Kosovo Serbs in Northern Kosovo, who rely on those crossing points to pass back and forth to Serbia.

These mobs exist on the fringes of Kosovo Serb society; they do not represent the vast majority of Kosovo Serbs, who, every time I speak to them, want to talk about jobs, education, and opportunities for their children before discussing anything political (although we do, of course, discuss their deeply-held political views). But Kosovo Serbs in central Kosovo are made more nervous by the actions of their counterparts in Northern Kosovo; they feel most vulnerable to potential violent counter-reactions, and to any resulting destabilisation. 

But, for now, the events in the North are a  sideshow. We will have a lot to do to build on the mostly positive start, but Kosovo is in pretty good shape in its first week.

* Names again: lots of debate about what to call someone from Kosovo. UN sometimes  - but not always - says Kosovan. Kosovar is the term used by the Albanians - and thus rejected by the Serbs. Kosovian sounds too gothic and Kosovon like something from Dan Dare. I tend to use 'people of Kosovo', but that's hardly user friendly. Are there other ideas?)

Posted at 19:26 21 February 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  |  Comments[4]