Ruairi O'Connell

Lunch with the Kosovo Minister of Education

Lunch yesterday with Enver Hoxhaj, the Kosovo Minister of Education.

He has a significant challenge in front of him. Most socialist societies in transition benefit from having had a decent (and often excellent) educational system. Not so Kosovo. Following years of neglect since the second World War, under Milosevic, the K-Albanians were forcibly thrown out of the education system (the Milosevic-era Rector of Pristina University even suggested that Albanians should not 'even be given a pencil', lest they learn to become terrorists; he was later appointed Rector of the Mitrovica University by the Kostunica Government). For nearly ten years, K-Albanians had no access to the education system. Instead, they were taught in private homes which served as informal schools and universities, supported by voluntary funding from the diaspora. Throughout this period, teachers - and pupils - were subject to constant harassment and intimidation (and worse) from the police.

On top of this, schools were caught up in the systematic campaign of ethnic cleansing in Kosovo. Whilst schools in major towns were left intact (as the Serbian authorities would use them for the Serbian community), those in the villages were destroyed (along with houses and other buildings); in one part of Kosovo, 60% of schools are still accommodated in portakabins, which are hardly suitable for winters that can reach -20C.

After the war UNMIK and the creation of the Kosovo Ministry for Education, tried to redress the wrongs of the past. Importantly, the right to education in one's own language was guaranteed early on in Kosovo law (and further guaranteed by the Comprehensive Settlement Proposal ).

In 2005, we were approached by the municipality of Novo Brdo/Novobërdë to help support the construction of a school in the municipality. Their concept was to (re)create a multiethnic school; separate classes would be organised in both Serbian and Albanian, but practical classes and sports would be organised together. This was an initiative of the K-Serb mayor, and seemed a great way to use education to bring the communities together. We rapidly agreed.

However, whilst the school is now built, and due to open in September, we fell foul of attempts to use education as a weapon of ethnic separation. The Serbian government from 2005 started to put pressure on K-Serbian teachers to withdraw from receiving Kosovo salaries, and work exclusively for the 'Serbian' parallel authorities; pupils were to be taught in 'Serbian' schools with no contact with other communities. Our hopes to have this school used by both Serbs and Albanians fell foul of this; the K-Serb pupils, rather than using a school in their own village, are still forced to travel for miles to their own separate school. Even the K-Serb mayor and officials couldn't shield their community from this pressure. It is still depressing to see such policies in action, leading the K-Serbian community into a dead end.

To end on a positive note, I met representatives from Hope and Aid Direct , a UK charity bringing aid to vulnerable communities in Kosovo. Having seen the awful situation, they developed a 'school in a box project' to bring basic supplies to Kosovo schools (a lucky rural school will have windows and heating; many don't have enough desks or chairs, and are forced to re-use paper until there is no space left) [just moved this to the end of the sentence]. They rely on donations from the public in the UK, and from businesses generously donating surpluses. He was here, in part, to discuss ways of reaching those most at need in all ethnic communities (their slogan is "we bring aid, not sides"); so having seen one education project fall foul of attempts to use education to divide people, it was heartening to talk to someone trying to use education to help all of Kosovo's communities; regardless of ethnicity, they all need rapid investment in education.

Posted at 16:33 26 June 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  |  Comments[1]

Rule of Law in Kosovo - and why it matters to us

I chaired a meeting on 24 June drawing together 'Rule of Law' experts from across the British Government to talk about support to the Rule of Law in Kosovo.

In an impoverished, post conflict part of Europe, it is clear that establishing a functioning rule of law is a top priority - and a major challenge.

But it is in our interests to deal with it - for two compelling reasons. Firstly, a functioning rule of law is the foundation for long term conflict resolution - and the prevention of its recurrence. The solutions to the 'drivers of conflict' in Kosovo - those issues that set people against each other - all have a basis in the rule of law. Resolving the fate of the many people still missing from Kosovo needs forensic medical structures. Helping refugees to return home needs functioning courts that can guarantee their property rights. Reconciling a divided society needs a criminal justice system that can give redress to victims.

Secondly, poor states with weak justice and police systems are easy prey for organised criminals; the kind of organised criminals that do damage across Europe, including in the UK. By working with the Kosovo government, and the EU's Rule of Law mission in Kosovo, EULEX, to improve Kosovo's abilities to fight organised and serious crime, we are tackling these problems at source.

I've written before about Kosovo's image abroad. Kosovo is known for having a serious problem with organised crime. However, even this can have a lighter side. After a large robbery in the UK, a local police service in England released details of a reward for information. We were contacted by a man who claimed to have information about the perpertrators and their addresses. We were excited; this was a large case, and it would be good to show that international co-operation could bring immediate results. I arranged for him to be interviewed by a British police officer serving in the UN, and I translated. As he arrived, the man introduced himself, and then said that "Jhon Smith" (sic) from "Djibt in Scotland" was responsible. How did he find this out, I asked? From my 'professional system' - he was a 'mjek popullor' - a witch doctor - and had used a ouija board. We just about managed to end the interview before collapsing into fits of laughter. That day's lesson - yes, there's a problem in Kosovo, but don't over-estimate it and end up chasing shadows.

For every one of these lighter moments, the Embassy assists on a large number of serious criminal investigations, by helping co-operation between Kosovo and UK law enforcement officers. But the most important contribution from the UK to the fight against crime in Kosovo are the numerous men and women who have served with the UNMIK police, and who will serve with EULEX. Their role has been vital in supporting a brand new police force - and the Kosovars appreciate this greatly. Although their work is not always visible in the UK, it has been vital in keeping the UK safe.

Posted at 10:09 26 June 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  | 

Blog: EURO 2008

Watching Sweden vs Russia last night on a big screen in central Pristina (provided by the Swiss Government - and winning them a high profile and lots of friends in football-mad Kosovo!) made me realise how much EURO 2008 says about Kosovo.

Firstly, the positive image of Europe. Kosovo's citizens (of all ethnicities) share the aspiration to join (eventually) the European Union. But they bristle, understandably, at the suggestion (made usually by foreigners) that they might, one day, 'join Europe'. They counter that, whilst they want to join the EU, they are already part of Europe - geographically, culturally, and emotionally. This is a source of considerably pride, perhaps not obvious to those of us whose European identity is not under question. And this positive image of Europe expresses itself in the least expected places. One TV commentator here insists in calling spectular goals "Eurogoals" (as in 'what a Eurogoal from Christiano Ronaldo). The popular Balkan chocolate spread is called 'Eurokrem' too; so the prefex 'euro' carries a mark of quality and luxury.

Secondly, it's easy to see how qualifying for major sporting events (like EURO 2008) is a source of national pride. But for Kosovo, denied the chance to participate in sporting events since Milosevic came to power, international sporting competition is all the more important. I spoke last month to the head of the Kosovo Olympic Committee, who is trying (without much success so far) to get Kosovo athletes to the Beijing Olympics (I understand Kosovo has some credible boxers and weightlifters); they will redouble their efforts to make it to London in 2012. So Kosovo football fans have mixed feelings watching EURO 2008; they enjoy the spectacle, but wish they had at least a chance to qualify.

Thirdly, football tournaments in general illustrate the relationship of the Kosovo diaspora (about whom I have previously written) with their host country. The diaspora has been a bedrock of support for Kosovo's Albanian community since the early 1990s - both financially and politically. So it is intriguing to see the strength of support for the 'host' countries' teams - especially Germany, Switzerland, Austria and Sweden, who have large Kosovo Albanian diaspora, but also England (although sadly not this time). This stretches from people who now hold the citizenship of the host state, to those who spent a few years or months there (and even who may have been returned unwillingly to Kosovo). I am still struck by how quickly the K-Albanians adopt the identity of the host state, and the strength of gratitude towards it - and how they see no contradiction in remaining proudly Albanian.

Finally, the fans at the big screen show how Kosovo is still a very political place; whether a team gets supported seems to depend on whether or not the country has recognised Kosovo. A reminder, lest we forget the importance of independence.

Posted at 16:23 19 June 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  | 

Constitution Day

15 June was Kosovo's Constitution Day - the day that the Kosovo constitution, passed in March, entered into force. 

The Kosovo government organised a ceremony with the first public performance of the new Kosovo National Anthem.  The Anthem was written, purposefully, without words. Called 'Europe', it reflects an aspiration that all Kosovo's ethnic groups can agree to - the desire to be seen, once again, as an integral part of European society.  And without words, it avoids the potential controversies involved in finding words that everyone could feel proud of.

More concretely, the constitution provides a good basis for the two challenges - and goals - ahead of Kosovo now: the implementation of  UN Special Envoy Ahtisaari's Comprehensive Settlement Proposal , and preparation for integration into international structures, most importantly, the EU.  To show how the constitution speeds this process forward, President Sejdiu signed 41 'Ahtisaari' laws on the day, a role that, until now, has been fulfilled by the head of UNMIK.

However, other than an official concert, there were no public celebrations; nor were there protests from the Kosovo Serbs who, seeing the constitution as a symbol of independence, have rejected the move. This lack of public fanfare adds to the business-like feeling of the day; rightly, this was seen as helping Kosovo's people to govern Kosovo  themselves - an important, but practical, step.

Posted at 12:36 18 June 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  | 

Roma Mahalla in Mitrovica

Back in Mitrovica, in Northern Kosovo, twice this week. Much of the visits were spent talking about efforts to rebuild the part of Mitrovica known as Roma Mahalla*.
 
In 1999, following the withdrawal of Yugoslav troops, and as NATO was deploying, the Roma Mahalla in Mitrovica was burnt down in a terrible revenge attack. The Mahalla had been home to around 8,000 Roma, and was probably the largest Roma settlement in Europe. The inhabitants of the Mahalla fled. Some ended up in Serbia and elsewhere throughout Europe, but many ended up in makeshift camps in Northern Kosovo. This was meant to be a temporary solution; nine years later, many are still stuck there.
 
To make this worse, many of the temporary camps were established on old industrial sites - these were contaminated by heavy metals, mostly lead. Over the years, the Roma became exposed to heavy metal poisoning. The children were especially  affected. In 2005, following WHO intervention , many of the families were evacuated to a cleaner area; some, however, refused to move fearing they would be moved from pillar to post, and thinking that, if they left, they would lose their leverage to find a permanent solution. Many families remain in these camps - and it now emerges that the 'safer' camps may themselves be subject to lead contamination.
 
It's clear that the Roma must be given a long-term solution that gives them a secure home, access to services, and a chance at prosperity. From 2005, the Mitrovica municipal government began work with the UN in Kosovo to rebuild the Roma Mahalla , and put in place opportunities (education, employment, access to services) that the Roma have rarely - if ever - enjoyed in the past. In the lead  in calling for aid, perhaps for the first time, is the Roma community itself, now organising politically.
 
*Mahalla is the Turkish word for neighbourhood, in common usage thanks to Kosovo's Ottoman past.

Posted at 10:07 16 June 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  |