Ruairi O'Connell

The power of symbols

From the Embassy window, I can see a pair of eagles circling above Pristina; I've seen many in the Kosovo countryside, but I think it is rare to see them in an urban environment.

Eagles are revered across the Balkans (and more widely in Central and Eastern Europe). They feature on both the Albanian and Serbia (state) flag, in double-headed form. This set me thinking about the power of symbols in this part of the world.

There is a much-quoted story from the war in Croatia where a ceasefire was called between Croatian forces and Croatian Serb militia. The details of a local truce had been agreed, but the whole ceasefire collapsed over the issue of which flag - Serbian or Croatian - should fly over the local train station.

I can't vouch for the accuracy of the story, but it illustrates the importance given to symbols in this part of the world. Flags are everywhere in Kosovo; people fly them at weddings, when building houses, and on celebrations. And flags cause arguments, too: last week, a man was arrested after allegedly breaking into a Mosque and hanging a Serbian flag from the roof (and then, apparently, shooting at Kosovo police officers).

This was why so much effort was placed into the design of the new Kosovo flag, designed to represent ideals shared by all Kosovo's communities (its colours - blue, yellow and white - represent the European identity of Kosovo), and to alienate none. It is a commendable design, for this reason. But it will be a long time before we see Kosovo Serbs flying the flag. This is not the flag's fault. It's pretty obvious to say, but symbols represent people and views. So when the people are divided, the use of symbols will reflect that. Even the eagle symbol fails to unify; the Albanian eagle is black, the Serbian white. But the flag does represent a noble intention; to create new symbols that can represent everyone. And it is that intention - rather than the symbols themselves - that may mean that, in the future, everyone in Kosovo feels represented by shared symbols.

Posted at 16:29 04 July 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  | 

The Dog that Didn't Bark

A weekend trip to the Albanian coast - nine hours, but worth it to find a beautiful, and genuinely unspoiled, beach at the end.

A chance piece of graffiti, however, set me thinking. By the main road in Fier, a town in Southern Albania, someone had written a slogan, roughly translated as 'Long Live Ethnic Albania!'

It occurred to me that 'Greater Albania' was the dog that didn't - and still doesn't - bark. The graffiti was striking because, living in Kosovo, I had never seen the slogan before. Whilst it is possible to meet people who long for a union with Albania, they are a tiny minority in Kosovo (and, I suspect, in Albania too). The graffiti was notable for its rarity.

What are not rare, however, are the Albanian flags which are still common throughout Kosovo (especially during wedding season, when they are waved from cars in the bridal procession). The Kosovo Albanian community still maintains a strong sense of being 'Albanian' - much as Kosovo's Serbs, Roma, Turks, Bosniaks seem themselves as Serbian, Roma, Turkish and Bosniak, in the 'ethnic' sense of the word. It is interesting, however, that for Kosovo Albanians especially, the strong sense of ethnic identity has not translated into a movement for political unification.

There are various reasons for this. The Albanian language spoken in Kosovo is different from that spoken in much of Albania (but all Albanian speakers would claim to speak a common language). Moreover, the experience of the Albanian communities in Albania and Kosovo has diverged greatly since the First World War, most obviously with the Kosovo Albanians' experience under Milosevic. The experience of autonomy in Socialist Yugoslavia (and its withdrawal under Milosevic) cast the political question in very Kosovo-centric terms, as well as creating a "Kosovar" identity (albeit a fluid one which overlaps with other layers). In similar terms, the Kosovo Serb experience under Yugoslavia, forming much of the administrative and military elite for the whole country, mitigated against the formation of a separate Kosovo Serb identity, and towards identification with Serbia (of which Kosovo was a province).

Of course, identity, by its nature, is fluid, and often defies exact definition (and for this reason, I hope to see lots of comments on the blog - and expect most of them to disagree vehemently with me!) But in any case, there has been very limited political activism (in my experience) for a 'Greater Albania'. Of all the provisions in the Comprehensive Settlement Proposal , the prohibition on union with other countries was the easiest to sell to the Kosovo Albanians.

Posted at 16:50 01 July 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  | 

Lunch with the Kosovo Minister of Education

Lunch yesterday with Enver Hoxhaj, the Kosovo Minister of Education.

He has a significant challenge in front of him. Most socialist societies in transition benefit from having had a decent (and often excellent) educational system. Not so Kosovo. Following years of neglect since the second World War, under Milosevic, the K-Albanians were forcibly thrown out of the education system (the Milosevic-era Rector of Pristina University even suggested that Albanians should not 'even be given a pencil', lest they learn to become terrorists; he was later appointed Rector of the Mitrovica University by the Kostunica Government). For nearly ten years, K-Albanians had no access to the education system. Instead, they were taught in private homes which served as informal schools and universities, supported by voluntary funding from the diaspora. Throughout this period, teachers - and pupils - were subject to constant harassment and intimidation (and worse) from the police.

On top of this, schools were caught up in the systematic campaign of ethnic cleansing in Kosovo. Whilst schools in major towns were left intact (as the Serbian authorities would use them for the Serbian community), those in the villages were destroyed (along with houses and other buildings); in one part of Kosovo, 60% of schools are still accommodated in portakabins, which are hardly suitable for winters that can reach -20C.

After the war UNMIK and the creation of the Kosovo Ministry for Education, tried to redress the wrongs of the past. Importantly, the right to education in one's own language was guaranteed early on in Kosovo law (and further guaranteed by the Comprehensive Settlement Proposal ).

In 2005, we were approached by the municipality of Novo Brdo/Novobërdë to help support the construction of a school in the municipality. Their concept was to (re)create a multiethnic school; separate classes would be organised in both Serbian and Albanian, but practical classes and sports would be organised together. This was an initiative of the K-Serb mayor, and seemed a great way to use education to bring the communities together. We rapidly agreed.

However, whilst the school is now built, and due to open in September, we fell foul of attempts to use education as a weapon of ethnic separation. The Serbian government from 2005 started to put pressure on K-Serbian teachers to withdraw from receiving Kosovo salaries, and work exclusively for the 'Serbian' parallel authorities; pupils were to be taught in 'Serbian' schools with no contact with other communities. Our hopes to have this school used by both Serbs and Albanians fell foul of this; the K-Serb pupils, rather than using a school in their own village, are still forced to travel for miles to their own separate school. Even the K-Serb mayor and officials couldn't shield their community from this pressure. It is still depressing to see such policies in action, leading the K-Serbian community into a dead end.

To end on a positive note, I met representatives from Hope and Aid Direct , a UK charity bringing aid to vulnerable communities in Kosovo. Having seen the awful situation, they developed a 'school in a box project' to bring basic supplies to Kosovo schools (a lucky rural school will have windows and heating; many don't have enough desks or chairs, and are forced to re-use paper until there is no space left) [just moved this to the end of the sentence]. They rely on donations from the public in the UK, and from businesses generously donating surpluses. He was here, in part, to discuss ways of reaching those most at need in all ethnic communities (their slogan is "we bring aid, not sides"); so having seen one education project fall foul of attempts to use education to divide people, it was heartening to talk to someone trying to use education to help all of Kosovo's communities; regardless of ethnicity, they all need rapid investment in education.

Posted at 16:33 26 June 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  |  Comments[1]

Rule of Law in Kosovo - and why it matters to us

I chaired a meeting on 24 June drawing together 'Rule of Law' experts from across the British Government to talk about support to the Rule of Law in Kosovo.

In an impoverished, post conflict part of Europe, it is clear that establishing a functioning rule of law is a top priority - and a major challenge.

But it is in our interests to deal with it - for two compelling reasons. Firstly, a functioning rule of law is the foundation for long term conflict resolution - and the prevention of its recurrence. The solutions to the 'drivers of conflict' in Kosovo - those issues that set people against each other - all have a basis in the rule of law. Resolving the fate of the many people still missing from Kosovo needs forensic medical structures. Helping refugees to return home needs functioning courts that can guarantee their property rights. Reconciling a divided society needs a criminal justice system that can give redress to victims.

Secondly, poor states with weak justice and police systems are easy prey for organised criminals; the kind of organised criminals that do damage across Europe, including in the UK. By working with the Kosovo government, and the EU's Rule of Law mission in Kosovo, EULEX, to improve Kosovo's abilities to fight organised and serious crime, we are tackling these problems at source.

I've written before about Kosovo's image abroad. Kosovo is known for having a serious problem with organised crime. However, even this can have a lighter side. After a large robbery in the UK, a local police service in England released details of a reward for information. We were contacted by a man who claimed to have information about the perpertrators and their addresses. We were excited; this was a large case, and it would be good to show that international co-operation could bring immediate results. I arranged for him to be interviewed by a British police officer serving in the UN, and I translated. As he arrived, the man introduced himself, and then said that "Jhon Smith" (sic) from "Djibt in Scotland" was responsible. How did he find this out, I asked? From my 'professional system' - he was a 'mjek popullor' - a witch doctor - and had used a ouija board. We just about managed to end the interview before collapsing into fits of laughter. That day's lesson - yes, there's a problem in Kosovo, but don't over-estimate it and end up chasing shadows.

For every one of these lighter moments, the Embassy assists on a large number of serious criminal investigations, by helping co-operation between Kosovo and UK law enforcement officers. But the most important contribution from the UK to the fight against crime in Kosovo are the numerous men and women who have served with the UNMIK police, and who will serve with EULEX. Their role has been vital in supporting a brand new police force - and the Kosovars appreciate this greatly. Although their work is not always visible in the UK, it has been vital in keeping the UK safe.

Posted at 10:09 26 June 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  | 

Blog: EURO 2008

Watching Sweden vs Russia last night on a big screen in central Pristina (provided by the Swiss Government - and winning them a high profile and lots of friends in football-mad Kosovo!) made me realise how much EURO 2008 says about Kosovo.

Firstly, the positive image of Europe. Kosovo's citizens (of all ethnicities) share the aspiration to join (eventually) the European Union. But they bristle, understandably, at the suggestion (made usually by foreigners) that they might, one day, 'join Europe'. They counter that, whilst they want to join the EU, they are already part of Europe - geographically, culturally, and emotionally. This is a source of considerably pride, perhaps not obvious to those of us whose European identity is not under question. And this positive image of Europe expresses itself in the least expected places. One TV commentator here insists in calling spectular goals "Eurogoals" (as in 'what a Eurogoal from Christiano Ronaldo). The popular Balkan chocolate spread is called 'Eurokrem' too; so the prefex 'euro' carries a mark of quality and luxury.

Secondly, it's easy to see how qualifying for major sporting events (like EURO 2008) is a source of national pride. But for Kosovo, denied the chance to participate in sporting events since Milosevic came to power, international sporting competition is all the more important. I spoke last month to the head of the Kosovo Olympic Committee, who is trying (without much success so far) to get Kosovo athletes to the Beijing Olympics (I understand Kosovo has some credible boxers and weightlifters); they will redouble their efforts to make it to London in 2012. So Kosovo football fans have mixed feelings watching EURO 2008; they enjoy the spectacle, but wish they had at least a chance to qualify.

Thirdly, football tournaments in general illustrate the relationship of the Kosovo diaspora (about whom I have previously written) with their host country. The diaspora has been a bedrock of support for Kosovo's Albanian community since the early 1990s - both financially and politically. So it is intriguing to see the strength of support for the 'host' countries' teams - especially Germany, Switzerland, Austria and Sweden, who have large Kosovo Albanian diaspora, but also England (although sadly not this time). This stretches from people who now hold the citizenship of the host state, to those who spent a few years or months there (and even who may have been returned unwillingly to Kosovo). I am still struck by how quickly the K-Albanians adopt the identity of the host state, and the strength of gratitude towards it - and how they see no contradiction in remaining proudly Albanian.

Finally, the fans at the big screen show how Kosovo is still a very political place; whether a team gets supported seems to depend on whether or not the country has recognised Kosovo. A reminder, lest we forget the importance of independence.

Posted at 16:23 19 June 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  | 

Constitution Day

15 June was Kosovo's Constitution Day - the day that the Kosovo constitution, passed in March, entered into force. 

The Kosovo government organised a ceremony with the first public performance of the new Kosovo National Anthem.  The Anthem was written, purposefully, without words. Called 'Europe', it reflects an aspiration that all Kosovo's ethnic groups can agree to - the desire to be seen, once again, as an integral part of European society.  And without words, it avoids the potential controversies involved in finding words that everyone could feel proud of.

More concretely, the constitution provides a good basis for the two challenges - and goals - ahead of Kosovo now: the implementation of  UN Special Envoy Ahtisaari's Comprehensive Settlement Proposal , and preparation for integration into international structures, most importantly, the EU.  To show how the constitution speeds this process forward, President Sejdiu signed 41 'Ahtisaari' laws on the day, a role that, until now, has been fulfilled by the head of UNMIK.

However, other than an official concert, there were no public celebrations; nor were there protests from the Kosovo Serbs who, seeing the constitution as a symbol of independence, have rejected the move. This lack of public fanfare adds to the business-like feeling of the day; rightly, this was seen as helping Kosovo's people to govern Kosovo  themselves - an important, but practical, step.

Posted at 12:36 18 June 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  | 

Roma Mahalla in Mitrovica

Back in Mitrovica, in Northern Kosovo, twice this week. Much of the visits were spent talking about efforts to rebuild the part of Mitrovica known as Roma Mahalla*.
 
In 1999, following the withdrawal of Yugoslav troops, and as NATO was deploying, the Roma Mahalla in Mitrovica was burnt down in a terrible revenge attack. The Mahalla had been home to around 8,000 Roma, and was probably the largest Roma settlement in Europe. The inhabitants of the Mahalla fled. Some ended up in Serbia and elsewhere throughout Europe, but many ended up in makeshift camps in Northern Kosovo. This was meant to be a temporary solution; nine years later, many are still stuck there.
 
To make this worse, many of the temporary camps were established on old industrial sites - these were contaminated by heavy metals, mostly lead. Over the years, the Roma became exposed to heavy metal poisoning. The children were especially  affected. In 2005, following WHO intervention , many of the families were evacuated to a cleaner area; some, however, refused to move fearing they would be moved from pillar to post, and thinking that, if they left, they would lose their leverage to find a permanent solution. Many families remain in these camps - and it now emerges that the 'safer' camps may themselves be subject to lead contamination.
 
It's clear that the Roma must be given a long-term solution that gives them a secure home, access to services, and a chance at prosperity. From 2005, the Mitrovica municipal government began work with the UN in Kosovo to rebuild the Roma Mahalla , and put in place opportunities (education, employment, access to services) that the Roma have rarely - if ever - enjoyed in the past. In the lead  in calling for aid, perhaps for the first time, is the Roma community itself, now organising politically.
 
*Mahalla is the Turkish word for neighbourhood, in common usage thanks to Kosovo's Ottoman past.

Posted at 10:07 16 June 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  | 

Serbian Elections in Kosovo

On 11 May, Serbia held Parliamentary and municipal elections

Despite clear warnings from the United Nations, Serbia also chose to organise local elections in Kosovo, in open defiance of UNSCR 1244, and in violation of the UN's mandate in Kosovo. The UN have said that they will not recognise the results of the municipal elections, which will have no legal validity in Kosovo - the Special Representative of the UN Secretary General, Joachim Ruecker said "Their outcome will not be recognized". So the holding of the elections seems to be leading Kosovo Serbs down a dead-end.

Seen from here, Serbia's decision to organise local elections is not designed to help the Kosovo Serbs - it is meant to keep them under Belgrade's control and part of a campaign to drive a wedge between Kosovo's Serbian and Albanian communities. I have written previously about Serbia's support for 'parallel structures' in Kosovo. The Ahtisaari plan - and Kosovo law - enshrine strong protections for Kosovo's minority communities; it just needs Kosovo Serbs to make use of these opportunities. Kosovo Serbs would be best served by efforts that help them to integrate into Kosovo's life, and Kosovo's economy. The Ahtisaari plan, and the benefits it offers, would also give them a high degree of control over their own lives; perhaps this is why the Serbian government doesn't want them to use these opportunities (I have heard Serbian government appointees in Northern Kosovo say that even reading the Ahtisaari plan is a traitorous act).

So, Kosovo Serbs will turned out to vote for municipal bodies that won't be able to improve their lives - but which do make it harder to integrate into Kosovo society. Not so much a missed opportunity, as a step in the wrong direction.

Posted at 15:44 12 May 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  |  Comments[1]

Europe Day

9 May is Europe Day, marking the Schumann Declaration on 9 May 1950 which set the foundations for the European Union.

In Kosovo, the first post-Independence Europe Day has special significance. I have written previously about Kosovo's desire to enjoy all the opportunities that were denied to her until now. People feel that they have been watching a party from the sidelines; they have watched many of their neighbours pass through transition and join the European Union, and they are impatient to join them in this process.

I've also noted the realism here about Independence. People know that it is the start - not the end - of a journey. We used to talk, rather coyly, about Kosovo's 'final status', rather than independence. But this is misleading. There is no 'end state' for economic and democratic progress; there is always room for further development. The Kosovo Government's slogan for Europe Day says it all "And Now - The European Union".

Kosovo is, in this respect, very lucky to be in Europe. States risk losing political cohesion following independence. But Kosovo has ahead of it a long-term, all-emcompassing political vision, around which there is political and social consensus. And there needs to be. EU integration is a long and difficult process - and well it should be. It's not like joining any other international organisation. It is not simply a treaty commitment. Rather, for countries in transition, it is a top-to-bottom reworking of the state, to meet the standards and practices of the European Union (known as the 'acquis communautaire'. For the Western Balkans, accession is the last step in the 'Stabilisation and Association Process', guiding the states from conflict to accession.

Somewhat strangely, the 'Self-Determination' Movement (known by its Albanian name - Vetevendosja) chose to hold its latest protest on 9 May. One would have thought that their main demand - Kosovo's independence - was met on 17 February, when Kosovo declared independence. Instead, Vetevendojsa changed tack, claiming that Kosovo wasn't 'really' independent. Instead, they chose Europe Day to protest mainly about the Serbian elections (see below), but also to directed their anger at the Kosovo Government and UNMIK. They threw rubbish at the government and UNMIK, and sprayed sewage at the buildings, and at the Kosovo flag. I think people will judge for themselves what resorting to these tactics says about the strength of Vetevendosje's arguments.

In fact, the EU integration process is worth the effort. Not only does EU membership bring obvious benefits (including full access to the a huge potential market - something vital if the Western Balkans, or indeed any individual member state, is to attract foreign investment), but the reform process itself brings benefits across a range of areas (good government, anti-corruption are two obvious ones in this part of the world), and each step in the process is a reaffirmation of progress.

Posted at 10:58 12 May 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  | 

The Kosovo Question

No - not 'that' Kosovo question; that one was answered on 17 February

There is another question that anyone who has spent time in Kosovo will have heard. I was at a modern dance workshop last weekend (I wasn't doing the dancing...) when I heard it again. The workshop was held by two US 'cultural envoys' , two modern dance instructors working with various dance groups in Kosovo, including the National Ballet. At the end of the session, one of the audience asked the envoys what I call the Kosovo Question - "how do our (in this case) dancers compare internationally?"

This gives a real insight into Kosovo. Kosovo's population under Milosevic (and commonly throughout the twentieth century) was surpressed, isolated, and often struggling to make ends meet from day-to-day. The first casualty of this was Kosovo's cultural life - be it the arts, media or sport. As Kosovo begins to make use of the new opportunities since 1999, people here naturally want to know how they compare. This stems in part from the natural pride of a brand new country, in part in reflection of a desire to learn and develop. But it also betrays a certain need for affirmation, and confirmation that Kosovo is on the right path. Again, after such isolation, this is understandable.

And, for the record, the US visitors were impressed by the technical skills of the Kosovo Ballet.

Posted at 14:22 09 May 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  |  Comments[3]

Trip to Gjakova/Djakovica

A day trip to the South-West Kosovo town of " Gjakova " in Albanian; "Djakovica " in Serbian on Saturday. Gjakova , historically a centre of Albanian intellectuallism , and later Albanian nationalism (dating from Ottoman times), suffered heavily in the war. During the fighting in 1999, Yugoslav forces drove out the population of the city; many hundreds of people are still missing. Having driven out the population, the Yugoslav forces then proceeded to burn down or blow up the historic centre of the city.

After KFOR entered Kosovo in June, most of Gjakova's population returned - and set about rebuilding the destroyed town. Today, most of it is rebuilt, offering a glimpse of Kosovo's Ottoman past.

But, alongside the return and reconstruction, there was also further destruction; the Serbian Church in the centre of town was destroyed in a revenge attack. The church, a modern build, has not been a priority for restoration work, and the site remains empty. With no Serbian community in Gjakova to rebuild it for (even before the war, very few Serbs lived in Gjakova - mostly connected to the state structures) , it's not clear when, if ever, the Church will be rebuilt.

This leads me to consider some of the questions people have put on the blog. To answer some of your questions, as I noted before, Mosques and Churches were targetted by using culture as a weapon in the conflict. The war in Kosovo wasn't related to religion; Islam does not play a central role in Kosovo Albanian identity. Neither were Mosques used to store weapons; they were targetted as symbols of the Albanian community.

It also leads me to a final thought; the Kosovo that existed before the war will only be fully restored once the Kosovo Serbs come back to rebuild - and they themselves choose to get involved.

Posted at 11:01 08 May 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  | 

Earth Day

On 22 April, I took part in a Kosovo Government event to mark 'Earth Day'. My chief contribution was, with other diplomatic colleagues, to plant a new tree in one of Pristina's parks (see photo).

Earth Day, a celebration conceived by US Senator Gaylord Nelson, offers a chance to reflect on the core concept in 'globalisation'; that we are all effected by actions elsewhere in the world. Specifically, Senator Nelson's idea was to raise awareness of the need to protect the environment; over thirty years later, and thanks in part to his efforts, there is increased understanding of the impact of human activity on the climate (see the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change website at http://www.ipcc.ch/).

Environmental issues have, understandably, not been very high on Kosovo's political or social agenda in the last twenty years; the conflict has dominated public discussion and private thought. Yet, with independence, Kosovo has had a cathartic moment; many issues, once starved of oxygen, are finding room for expression. Protection of the natural environment is one of those.

Kosovo approaches this issue from a specific perspective. In the UK, we are increasingly aware of the longer-term, global impact of human behaviour. For Kosovo, environmental issues are more immediate and tangible. A newly-independent, economically under-developed state, Kosovo will rely on agriculture and natural resources heavily in the coming years. These issues increasingly will be the focus of 'patriotic' politics here; in the words of one Kosovo politician, "why should we worry about negotiating a few hundred hectares with Macedonia, when our behaviour costs us tens of thousands of hectares in potential agricultural land annually". Earth Day also saw one of Kosovo's first environmental demonstration - by villagers living downwind from the (heavily-polluting) coal-fired power station.

So Kosovo comes to these issues from a heavy 'national interest' point-of-view. But this is welcome; indeed, our efforts to galvanise international action against climate change benefit if more countries begin to see environmental concerns as central to their natural interests.

Posted at 16:00 02 May 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  |  Comments[1]

The Kosovo Diaspora

Away from Kosovo for ten days; a good time to think about the impact of the Kosovo diaspora.

During the 1990s, driven by political repression and economic hardship, large numbers of Kosovo Albanians left Kosovo -the Kosovo government estimate that 17% (of a population of 1.8-2.4m) live outside Kosovo. A large number of Kosovo Turks also left (mostly to Turkey), and Kosovo Serbs (mostly to Serbia, where there were better economic opportunities). At the same time, Milosevic settled large numbers of Serbs displaced from Croatia and Bosnia in Kosovo - many of whom left, along with other Kosovo Serbs, following the entry of NATO and UNMIK in 1999 (and also following revenge attacks immediately after the conflict).

Historically, diaspora communities, especially in the US and Western Europe, have exerted vast influence on conflicts. In many cases, the diaspora have provided funding. But otherwise, they provide a community in which activists can mobilise, and a way of energising Western opinion. However, as the conflict progresses, the diaspora can be a brake to progress; they often remain untouched by reconciliation initiatives, and remain relatively unaffected by the privations of conflict. Historically, there is some evidence that diaspora continue to fund conflicts, in part to maintain a link with their country of origin; what price the feeling of patriotism?

Kosovo is no different regarding the influence the Kosovo Albanian diaspora had on Kosovo. Much of a generation left Kosovo in search of work and educational opportunities from the early 1990s onwards. During the 1990s, diaspora funds (through a levy collected by the 'government-in-exile') supported the parallel education and healthcare systems for the Kosovo Albanians, after Serbia had excluded them from state structures. Through remittances, most Kosovo Albanian families received help from relatives in the diaspora (help that continues today and is vital for Kosovo's economy). It printed newspapers, and, along with the BBC world service, provided a source of information in Kosovo. It acted as a base for lobbying on Kosovo. As Milosevic stepped up his campaign in Kosovo, and the KLA emerged in the mid-1990s, the diaspora also provided funding - and recruits - for the new force.

The Kosovo Albanian diaspora still has a vital role to play. Importantly, the diaspora has, in the main, supported the compromises made by the Kosovo Albanians in Kosovo as part of the final status process; this has been important in making them stick. The money has also kept on coming, but, perhaps, in lesser amounts than before. This is, however, a mixed blessing. The funds are vital to support many families, but they also distort the labour market. Kosovo has a relatively high 'reservation wage' (the notional wage necessary to attract new entrants into the labour market) compared to the region, which could potentially serve as an obstacle to economic development. The trick for Kosovo's government is to channel these payments away from support to everyday consumption and investment in Kosovo's future.

There is also a Kosovo Serb diaspora of sorts, consisting of those with links to Kosovo, and those displaced following the war. It is clear that the Kosovo institutions must do all that they can to show that, just as with Kosovo Albanians who left during the 1990s, Kosovo Serbs who left subsequently have a place in Kosovo's future. Not an easy task; but the alternative - separation and festering resentment - helps no-one.

Posted at 12:39 17 April 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  | 

The Remains of War

Last week, I went to an event to mark the International Day for Landmine awareness and Assistance, held at a Kosovo Protection Corps (http://www.tmk-ks.org/new/english/fillimi/index.php) site just outside Pristina.

Following the conflict in the 1990s, the legacy of war still casts a long shadow over Kosovo. The event on Friday was a reminder how important it is to deal with this legacy - both physical and societal.

During the war, the Yugoslav armed forces used landmines extensively across Kosovo. Many, even most, of these minefields were not properly marked, vastly complicating their removal. On top of this, Kosovo still has traces of unexploded bombs in certain areas dating from the conflict; last week, a man was killed tampering with such a bomb. Together, these are known as unexploded ordnance (UXO)

Since 1999, 112 people have been killed in Kosovo by UXO, many of them children. However, from thousands of contaminated areas in 1999, there now remain only 60 areas to be cleared, with 73 to be checked. Much of this work was completed by the explosive ordnance disposal (EOD) teams of the KPC, who have cleared over 700,000 square metres throughout Kosovo.

Under the guidance of UNMIK's KPC Co-ordinator (a British Major General), the KPC has built up an impressive EOD capacity, which was on show on Friday. This has meant that a national organisation, rather than an international NGO, has taken the lead in clearing Kosovo of the material legacy of war. They, as with all the other mine clearers and EOD teams in Kosovo and across the world, risk their lives daily to deal with this menace. I was struck most of all by the seemingly low-tech nature of much of the kit; the KPC use plastic funnels, like you would find in the kitchen, to mark and isolate pieces of UXO. It takes a certain kind of courage to do this for a living.

This UXO is as much part of the legacy of conflict as the small arms that still blight Kosovo. My piece on small arms attracted some comments. My understanding is that there is a tradition of holding arms across the Balkans, particularly in more remote areas. But also, as with other conflicts, the proliferation of small arms is a legacy of conflict, too. The problem will not be solved over night - the sheer scale shows that. And not everyone wants to give up their arms just yet. But the overall direction of travel is the right one.

The legacy of conflict is more than just physical - it is societal, psychological. And so the KPC contribution is significant beyond their concrete involvement with UXO-clearance. The KPC was formed following the demilitarisation of the Kosovo Liberation Army, after the conflict in 1999. A civil emergency organisation, it has worked on EOD, flood and fire response, as well as a range of humanitarian projects across Kosovo. However, its original provenance of ex-KLA members means that it has provided a clear way to reintegrate former fighters into society - and to get them contributing to reconciliation. I noted in a previous post the presence of a former KLA commander at an event against small arms. The point is that, after any conflict, it is vital to give former combatants a way to demobilise, and contribute to society - whatever one thinks about the group in question. Secondly, following last month's tragic explosion at Gerdec in Tirana (see http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/7299187.stm), the KPC EOD teams were the largest international contribution to the clean-up operation. Just over a month after Kosovo's independence, this was a clear demonstration that Kosovo can contribute internationally. Conflicts world-wide share similar legacies; be they physical, social or psychological. Dealing with all these legacies is a vital foundation to preventing a resurgence of conflict.

Posted at 10:20 15 April 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  |  Comments[2]

Islam in Kosovo

Easter Sunday tells us a lot about Islam in Kosovo.

During the Easter weekend, Kosovo's public broadcaster (RTK - http://www.rtklive.com/eng/index.php) transmitted a series of films about Easter, catering mainly, but not exclusively, to Kosovo's Catholic population (which consists of ethnic Albanians and Croats). Tellingly, Kosovo's Albanian Muslims also celebrated Easter, sometimes with their Catholic neighbours, but often on their own.
 
Islam arrived in Kosovo with the Ottoman empire. Beforehand, the Albanian population across the Balkans was mostly Christian, following either the Greek Orthodox Church or Roman Catholicism. The conversions to Islam were, in the main, voluntary. But they were also often 'economic', to get access to the exemption from tax granted to Muslims under the Ottomans. Hence Albanian Islam was famous historically for the practice of 'crypto-Christianity', where the head of the household converted to Islam, but women remained Christian, and children were raised (in varying degrees) in the Christian faith. This practice continued into the twentieth century - and has echoes even in the 1990s, when Kosovo Albanian Muslims, would, for example, visit the Decani Monastery (http://www.kosovo.net/main.html) on feast days. Colleagues who have served in other Muslim countries, including in the Middle East, tell me that this happens elsewhere too.

While Albanians were early, generally willing, converts, Islam never penetrated very deep into Albanian society. And unlike other Balkan Muslim communities, Islam played a very minor role in the creation of an Albanian national identity; instead, Albanian culture and language were the core around which Albanian identity was formed.

Earlier this month, Kosovo sent a delegation to the Organisation of the Islamic Conference Summit (http://www.oic-oci.org/oicnew/home.asp) headed by their Minister for Education, Enver Hoxhaj. Their aim was to use the opportunity to lobby a number of states to recognise Kosovo - many of whom have previously expressed solidarity with Kosovo. This has been and remains a difficult balancing act; seeking international recognition - but avoiding using Islam to define Kosovo.

Kosovo leaders play this balancing act elsewhere. A large number of mosques were destroyed by Yugoslav forces during the Kosovo war. I have written before about the corresponding destruction of churches after the war. Whereas the Kosovo government pledged to rebuild and repair all the damaged Churches - it made no such commitment for mosques (neither did the Serbian government); instead, those rebuilt were done so with private donations. For a few days, the decision to rebuild Churches but not mosques caused some minor controversy. But the feeling amongst most Kosovo Albanians, once people had reflected, was that it was right that they pay to repair the damage done by their co-nationals; some would also have felt uncomfortable with Kosovo paying for mosques from its budget. The draft Kosovo constitution (http://www.kushtetutakosoves.info/repository/docs/DraftConstitutionEnglish.pdf - "The Republic of Kosovo is a secular state and neutral in matters of religious belief") is avowedly secular. Will Kosovo offer an example of a secular, European, majority-Muslim democracy?

Posted at 11:28 25 March 2008 by Ruairi O'Connell  |  Comments[4]