New UN High Commissioner for Human Rights
The UK supports the UN High Commissioner on Human Rights in order to help raise respect for human rights around the world. Navanethem Pillay, formerly defence attorney for anti-apartheid activists in South Africa, President of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and a Judge on the International Criminal Court, has taken over leadership at an important time. I met her yesterday. She has issued very clear statements on Colombia which we welcome. The High Commissioner and her Office also play an important role in places like Burma and Zimbabwe. We also discussed the absolute necessity for the Durban Review Conference - the follow up to the 2001 United Nations World Conference Against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance - not to be sidetracked by a damaging dispute over whether anti-semitism is racism. It clearly is.
Posted at 16:36 13 November 2008 by David Miliband | Comments[5]
Burma has faded from the headlines but the situation gets worse. The Washington Post article is a good reprise. We are on the case: next step is UN re-engagement.
Posted at 16:01 13 November 2008 by David Miliband | Comments[4]
Bernard Kouchner says it was a "good camp". And he has visited 100s. Built on volcanic lava in the last three years, there were puddles not a swamp; the people were there in large numbers: they looked scared, but they had energy even if they did not have resources. The word is that the aid convoys are now moving, so hopefully as they are closest to Goma they will be in line for help.
Humanitarian Help - Kouchner style
My French colleague Bernard Kouchner must be the only foreign minister to have set up his own NGO - Medecins sans Frontieres - which he founded twenty years ago. His definition of foreign policy is simple: "save lives". His passion is inimitable - and his memory seemingly elephantine. At the Goma IDP camp he rushed towards a Japanese aid worker for a great embrace. He said on the plane after that he remembered he had worked with her in Africa in the 1990s. He doesn't forget...
Sunday - Tanzania
The idea of flying to Dar es Salaam came from Bernard Membe the Tanzanian Foreign Minister. He understood straight away that one to one meetings between the leaders of Congo and Rwanda were not on; but a regional meeting could engage them both; and he realised too the high stakes for the AU and for his country with President Kikwete as AU chair.
I really want the AU to work. Regional organisations make sense in the modern world. Kikwete saw immediately the vexed politics. But the ball is now rolling - he has various players coming to see him this week, and the EU can support him.
Congo Next Steps
This is written in Marseille where EU foreign ministers are meeting. The ceasefire is holding. The aid is moving. The AU is engaged. And the UN Secretary General has appointed former President Obasanjo of Nigeria as his special envoy to the region. The key now is to hold the gains on the security front, drive forward the aid provision, and make sure the politics gets into gear.
Posted at 10:13 04 November 2008 by David Miliband | Comments[5]
Ministers in Brussels also agreed to follow up Saturday’s inconclusive meeting with the Iranian nuclear representative with further sanctions on the Iranian regime to implement the articles of UN Resolution 1803, for example putting extra sanctions on the sale of dual use goods to Iran. The position was simple: we have an obligation to weigh in to make clear to Iran the choice it faces, between engagement in a freeze and then suspension of its nuclear programme with the benefits it brings (including civilian nuclear power), and defiance and go-it-alone which means more sanctions. Saturday’s meeting gave a two week deadline to the Iranian government to answer the package put to them for engagement and cooperation. It cannot come soon enough.
Posted at 16:53 23 July 2008 by David Miliband | Comments[4]
The vote at the UN yesterday on Zimbabwe was not a North/South split - after all Burkino Faso voted for the resolution. But it did reveal, in the use of the veto by Russia and China, two different ways of thinking about the exercise of responsibility in the modern world.
The argument at one level was about whether to give mediation "longer". But how much longer? And how much more suffering in the interim?
But there is a more fundamental point - or two actually. First, since when does pressure on a regime that has been flagrant in its abuse of human rights and democratic standards undermine mediation? Surely it brings home much more clearly that the world is determined to tilt the balance away from a government that has forfeited international respect? But second, the argument of China and Russia was that the Security Council had no business "interfering" in a national issue. But the crisis in Zimbabwe has gone way beyond that - not least through three million plus refugees caught up in the violence fleeing to South Africa (see above "If your neighbour's house is on fire" of 8 July).
The Russian and Chinese vetoes have shielded Robert Mugabe and 13 of his top supporters from international pressure. Their preferred route of mediation will have the chance to prove itself - too late for too many but no one will be happier than I if I wake up one day soon and find that this route has delivered a government that respects the March 29 election result.
Meanwhile the governments of western and other democracies should have no regrets about bringing into the open a vital debate. The alternative is for the threat of veto to mean we all clam up and pretend that there is no disagreement. That is not real diplomacy.
Posted at 18:19 12 July 2008 by David Miliband | Comments[8]
Kosovo: Independent, Safer, Stronger
This week marks a critical point in the move to normalisation in Kosovo. June 15 marked the end of the 120 day period after the declaration of independence by the new country of Kosovo. It also marks the drive by the UN Secretary General to fulfil the mandate of Resolution 1244 and deliver a political settlement. This now takes practical form in the reconfiguraiton of the UN mission and the deployment of an EU Mission - the biggest and most complex EU mission yet. But a mission so far proceeding in conditions of calm. The fact that Kosovo is not in the news is itself a great success.
Posted at 09:58 26 June 2008 by David Miliband | Comments[2]
Blog 24 June: Zimbabwe: UN Action
Yesterday's UN Security Council statement represents a significant step forward in the way the world has engaged with the issue of Zimbabwe. The language is unequivocal - condemnation of the regime. It won unanimous support - including South Africa as well as China. The desire for regional leadership - from the AU and SADC - clearly expressed.
Yesterday's exchanges in the House of Commons I hope clarified the difference between recognition of a state - which is necessary for diplomatic representation - and recognition of the legitimacy of a government, which is different. We of course "recognise" Zimbabwe as a country; we do not recognise the legitimacy of Mugabe's rule, not least since even he accepts that he lost the Parliamentary and Presidential election on 29 March (even if the Opposition challenger did not get 50% of the vote in the first round).
I hope they also exposed the hollow claim that we have to choose between self defeating megaphone diplomacy and silence. In every part of the world history matters. Britain's history of global engagement includes good and bad. But while we are conscious of our history, and conscious of the way it can be misused and caricatured, that history is a reason for good judgment about what to say - not a reason to say nothing.
Posted at 09:40 26 June 2008 by David Miliband | Comments[3]
Over 100 election monitors are now in Zimbabwe. Not enough but a start. Not enough because the scale of violence and intimidation is massive – over 50 dead, 1000s injured and brutalised. A start because it means there is a chance of a proper record – journalists and NGOs having been driven out. There is a massive responsibility on Africa to support the brave people of the opposition, and a major responsibility on the rest of us to support them. We will do so, bilaterally, in Europe and at the UN.
Posted at 10:43 16 June 2008 by David Miliband | Comments[9]
This is the theme of UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon's speech to the first international compact review conference on Iraq. All Iraq's economic and political partners are here. The progress on security - from 1500 attacks a week to less than 300 - is striking, as is economic growth (including oil production). But the problems are still immense and that makes the next year of the compact key.
I used my meeting with Foreign Minister Zebari to reflect on the need for continued cooperation on the issue of the five British hostages taken in Baghdad. Today marks the first anniversary of their seizure. They and their families have suffered terribly as their testimony today shows. We have not forgotten them.
Posted at 17:44 29 May 2008 by David Miliband | Comments[3]
The Elephant, the Tiger and the Cell Phone
I chaired the lecture by author and former diplomat (Under-Secretary General at UN) Shashi Tharoor at the Hay books festival on Monday. His collection of essays carries this name. His point was simple: India now sells over 8 million cell phones a month, more than four times the number of land lines of thirty years ago, while at the same time the 670 million Indians who work on the land produce less than half that of three million Americans. Go figure. It's a land of difference and paradox - but his argument is that the differences are the great strength. There is something for everyone. I will see for myself on a trip in September.
Posted at 14:11 28 May 2008 by David Miliband | Comments[9]
For becoming the eighth country on the UN Security Council to recognise Kosovo.
Posted at 16:16 28 April 2008 by David Miliband | Comments[2]
First Day of the Rest of His Life
The passage of the European Amendment Bill through its Third Reading means that Europe Minister Jim Murphy can have his life back. He has spent 14 days on the floor of the Commons answering every conceivable question with self effacement and humour (as well as accuracy).
It was striking in the Third Reading debate how the topic three or four months ago - the strength or otherwise of the 'red lines' on JHA, foreign policy etc - should have all but disappeared as an issue. The European Scrutiny and Foreign Affairs Committees both addressed the arguments about the guarantees that exist for the UK and the debates on the Treaty have served to expose the shallowness of most of the myths about our position under the new Treaty.
The six days of debate led by Secretaries of State from other government departments brought out one other key point: that "Europe" needs to be seen less as a "foreign policy" issue and more of an issue with importance for traditionally domestic concerns, from competitiveness and jobs to environment and crime. This is a good thing: we need to work with other European countries on genuine foreign policy issues, like the EUFOR mission to Chad, but we cannot afford to bracket Europe as beyond the concerns of day to day life. It's not about nosing into the nooks and crannies of life; it is about recognising that in an interdependent world there is often/usually a European dimension to key issues of domestic policy.
New Life at the UN
I spoke last night to the annual reception of the UN Association of UK Young Professionals Network - some 300 young people successful in their professional lives but also dedicated to the values of the UN and working together to express those values in three areas: conflict prevention, pro bono legal work for a rules-based international system, and private sector involvement in reducing poverty and delivering on the Millennium Development Goals. I was struck by their idealism but also determination to get something done: I was cornered by someone working for the Carbon Disclosure Project about why the FCO was not yet committed to carbon disclosure on all its suppliers and activities. What could I do but agree that we should aim to become the first government department to achieve carbon disclosure?
Posted at 18:27 13 March 2008 by David Miliband | Comments[10]
The situation in Kosovo is unique given its history and the extent of Security Council involvement over the last 9 years. The international legal framework for Kosovo stems from UN Security Council Resolution 1244 adopted in 1999. That resolution created a political process as well as establishing an international regime for Kosovo within the territory of Serbia. It was about restoring peace and security. Resolution 1244 does not determine or constrain the final status process, nor exclude outcomes. But it does envisage a final status process and it needs to be brought to a conclusion.
Independence has been declared by Kosovo after a totally exhaustive series of negotiations under which the settlement brokered by the UN Special Envoy could not be agreed because Serbia could not countenance the principle of independence, even with the degree of international supervision and limitations envisaged in the UN Special Envoy's proposal. It is important not to be confused by 1244's references to the "sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (now Serbia)". This is a qualified preambular reference which in its context clearly refers only to the interim phase of administration in Kosovo. Importantly it is qualified by reference to the Helsinki Final Act, a political declaration, with 10 interacting principles covering human rights as well sovereignty and territorial integrity. We need to balance these claims. Furthermore the reference to Annex 2 of the UN resolution is important - it deals with the interim status of Kosovo, rather than its final status, which is important given the arguments about what the resolution means.
The situation on the ground is moving quite fast, after a couple of months of calm since the end of the discussion process on december 10th. The presence of Nato forces has been an important influence and the political lead from Europe and elsewhere important too. Over the next few hours and days we need to be clear about European determination to speak to the European perspective for all the countries of the former Yugoslavia. It will then be for individual countries to make decisions about recognition.
Centre for European Reform - Great Work, Job Half Done
Thursday marked the tenth birthday party of the Centre for European reform which I helped to found in the 1990s. The CER has done outstanding work under the leadership of Charles Grant. It was set up with two purposes: to help reshape the debate in Europe about the future of the EU, and to help reshape the debate in Britain about its relationship to the EU. The CER has been strikingly more successful in one than the other (you can guess which).
In terms of the debate about the future direction of the EU, there is a different EU than ten years ago - marked by enlargement as well as EMU. The CER has contributed to that - issues like Turkish accession, defence co-operation, and energy security (including relations with Russia) have been led from the CER. But the debate in Britain often seems stuck in a prism of 1940s Europe rather than the present day. Sometimes the EU has contributed to its own difficulties - whether with qualified accounts or interminable institutional wrangling and that is why the Reform word is important in the CER's title. But we also have to update our own way of engaging.
Here are some starters. We don't need to see or describe the EU as a plot from which we are seeking perpetual protection - other countries also want to maintain sovereignty on key issues like foreign policy and the agenda for the EU is now dominated by issues of shared interest not invasions of sovereignty. We can benefit from as well as lead European debate - it is not a one way street. We should trumpet the modern successes of the EU - from climate change to trade and stability on our borders in the new accession countries. We need to see reform as a shared project - negotiating successfully with Russia on a Europe wide basis is in all our interests, so is continuing the reform of the CAP and the greening of the budget.
Posted at 19:47 17 February 2008 by David Miliband | Comments[30]
The reports of the death of the Deputy Governor of Helmand Province today, Haji Pir Mohammed, in a bombing at a mosque is a horrific reminder of the difficulties we face in Afghanistan. Two years on from the Afghan Compact signed here in London which set the framework for the international communities' help and support for the Afghan Government, three reports in recent days (by the Afghan Study Group, Oxfam and the Atlantic Council) have assessed the current state of play. The common message from all three is that we need greater coordination: between the UN, NATO and the EU, between civilian reconstruction and the armed forces, between the Afghan Government and the international community. I agree. I saw for myself when I went to Afghanistan that the sheer scale of the task is enormous and we will succeed only if we have better coordination in all those areas. The need for better coordination was central to the discussions the Prime Minister and I had with President Karzai and UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon. That is why we have backed the idea of a UN Special representative who can bring the international community's effort together.
Afghanistan is a poor country ripped apart by 30 years of conflict. Up to three quarters of the population are illiterate. Constant pressures mean that the capacity of the central Government is weak. There is an insurgency fueled by criminality and drugs. Over 100 countries are committed to reverse the devastation to its society and economy of 30 years of brutal conflict. Real progress has been made and the Prime Minister set out the framework for further progress over the long term in a statement to Parliament on 12 December last year. This involves increasing the capacity and effectiveness of the Afghan Security Forces and the Afghan Government; tackling the insurgency with a politically led counter insurgency policy that involves reconciliation with those prepared to renounce violence, and dealing with the drugs industry through improved rule of law and alternative livelihoods. We all agree that there is room for better co-ordination of the international effort - that is why it is so important that the UN and the Afghan Government move as quickly as possible to find someone suitable to fulfill this key role.
Sayed Pervez Kambaksh
The media in London are following closely the case of Sayed Pervez Kambaksh, a journalist condemned to death in Afghanistan on a charge of blasphemy after he circulated an article he found on the internet. We are opposed to the death penalty in all cases and believe that freedom of expression is one of the cornerstones of a democratic society. We have raised the case as members of the EU and with the UN, and we support strongly the UN Special Representative's call for a review of the case.
Posted at 15:20 31 January 2008 by David Miliband | Comments[7]
The increasingly alarming reports of brutality and killing on ethnic lines are rightly getting a lot of coverage. Richard Dowden explained well on the Today programme on Wednesday why comparisons with Rwanda are dangerous [http://www.bbc.co.uk/radio4/today ] . But the situation does not have to be a Rwanda for the countries of the region and the world to become concerned. Stories of Kalenjin and Kikuyu militias roaming rural Kenya in search of reprisals are stomach-churning.
There has been remarkable unanimity around the world about how Kenya can save itself from disaster: strong political leadership that recognises the need for control of militias, the need for credible investigation of allegations of electoral fraud, and the need for compromise about political power, in the short term while constitutional repair is undertaken, and in the medium term when the electorate have a further opportunity to express their views. Mark Malloch Brown met the key protagonists on Monday to give support to Kofi Annan's African Union mission. This is now the difference between the success of politics and its rejection. The AU meeting in Addis Abbaba provides the regional opportunity for pressure and engagement. But the Security Council of the UN is on standby as the world waits to see whether the country can be pulled back from the brink.
Posted at 12:24 31 January 2008 by David Miliband | Comments[3]
