David Miliband

Foreign Secretary

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Wednesday 03 December, 2008

Good news from Kosovo

Thanks to last week's jigsaw of five related resolutions, agreements and letters at the UN and in Brussels trigger important steps on Kosovo. The EU rule of law mission will now be deployed across the whole of the country, serving all citizens of the country, including the protection of minority rights that was at the heart of the Ahtissari Plan. This is now a vital stage in the confidence-building process amongst all communities that there is a secure future for them in Kosovo. The unanimous UN resolution is also an important signal that practicality is taking precedence over theology in the transition from the UN Mission to the EU. Long may it continue.

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Thursday 09 October, 2008

Economic Stability Plan

I was in Brussels yesterday for talks in the European Parliament and European Commission.  Everyone is trying to come to terms with the financial crisis, and anticipate (and if possible mitigate) its impact on the wider economy. In that context the Stability Plan announced by the Prime Minister and Chancellor has drawn widespread admiration as the most systematic - and system wide - programme on the table.  Addressing the three interlinked problems of liquidity, solvency and confidence through three major initiatives the plan builds on the coordinated principles agreed by European finance ministers in Luxembourg on Tuesday.  As such it is a strong basis for complementary action by other European governments.

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Wednesday 23 July, 2008

European Action 2: Iran

Ministers in Brussels also agreed to follow up Saturday’s inconclusive meeting with the Iranian nuclear representative with further sanctions on the Iranian regime to implement the articles of UN Resolution 1803, for example putting extra sanctions on the sale of dual use goods to Iran.  The position was simple: we have an obligation to weigh in to make clear to Iran the choice it faces, between engagement in a freeze and then suspension of its nuclear programme with the benefits it brings (including civilian nuclear power), and defiance and go-it-alone which means more sanctions.   Saturday’s meeting gave a two week deadline to the Iranian government to answer the package put to them for engagement and cooperation.  It cannot come soon enough.

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European Action1: Zimbabwe

European Foreign Ministers agreed sanctions on travel and finance relating to key members of the Mugabe regime in Brussels this week.  This is intended to make clear continued international determination to balance up the competing forces in Zimbabwe – an opposition which won the parliamentary and presidential elections and a government that has turned on its own people.  In the light of the welcome news of a negotiating process being established in Harare, the need for clear pressure on the regime is increased.  We all want the negotiations to succeed, but no one believes they will unless there is real pressure on the government to recognise the will of the people.

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Friday 20 June, 2008

Engagement with Cuba

I have sat through a discussion in Brussels about next steps on engagement with Cuba. The number of political prisoners (229 in June 2008) and prisoners of conscience (62 according to Amnesty) are a stain on the reputation of the country. But there is consensus in the EU that renewed engagement with the new government is worthwhile. I support that. And there are tentative signs of opening up.

But the discussion was striking for the experience around the table of living with dictatorial regimes: not just in Eastern Europe where the memory is recent, but in Spain and Portugal and Greece. The discussion was not romantic or rose tinted: human rights abuse casts a long shadow. 

The EU will review its process of engagement in a year's time to check on progress before taking it further forward.

 

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Wednesday 18 June, 2008

All eyes on Luxembourg 2

Thank you to those who commented on my blog about the Foreign Ministers’ meeting in Luxembourg.  Here are answers to some of the points.

Precedent:  it is true that in 2005 after the French and Dutch votes ratification was halted (admittedly at a very early stage in the process).  But equally in 2001 after a previous Irish vote ratification carried on. And in 1992 John Major committed himself to continue ratification after the Danish referendum – but delayed. So precedent plays all ways. In this case we are 96% there, all other countries are going to proceed to a conclusion (yes or no) and it is right that we take a view.

Saying No: the views of Ireland cannot be ignored.  If they don’t support the Treaty it will not come into force.

Dead in the water: the rules cannot be changed – they are in Article 6 of the Treaty.

Generic point. Many of those opposed to the Treaty are worried that it reduces national sovereignty. But abandoning ratification because of another country is an odd definition of national sovereignty.

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Monday 16 June, 2008

All eyes on Luxembourg

EU Foreign Ministers meet in Luxembourg today. There is one unplanned item on the agenda – the rejection by Irish voters of the Lisbon reform Treaty.  We will do our business from Kosovo to Zimbabwe but all eyes and ears will be trained on the next steps on the Treaty. It’s not pretty but it is necessary for the EU to give Ireland first of all time to take stock of how they want to respond to the no vote and what they want to do with their ratification process.  Instant answers are not usually thoughtful answers in this area. It is clear that if the Irish do not ratify the Treaty then the Treaty will not pass into law.

 I don’t understand the argument that the Irish vote means we should abandon our ratification. We need a view. The Irish have said they think we should carry on. I spoke on Saturday to foreign ministers from Sweden, Spain and Holland, all of whom are part way through their ratification process, and all of whom plan to proceed with ratification. Last Wednesday’s debate in the House of Lords included powerful speeches from Lord Howe, Lord Brittan and Lord Patten  about the virtues of parliamentary accountability except in unusual cases of major constitutional change. 

I have not detected a great drive either to exclude the Irish or to enter a new institutional negotiation or to revive an ‘inner core’ of European countries. In fact I have detected a great sucking of teeth; there really was not a plan B in a cupboard. I explored this on the Marr Programme yesterday

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Tuesday 11 March, 2008

New Start in Cyprus

The election a couple of weeks ago of President Christofias to lead Cyprus for the next five years creates a big opportunity to strengthen bilateral ties between the UK and Cyprus, and to make progress on the stalled talks towards resolution of the longstanding dispute about the governance of Cyprus. The new government has signalled a clear determination to make a priority on both fronts. On the UK's part the strong and historic ties between us, spanning economic, security and culture as well as personal links are good enough reason for progress; the important place of Cyprus in the EU adds a further dimension; and the UN's role in settling the Cyprus dispute is further rationale. We support reunifying the island as a bi-zonal bi-communal  federation.

Today in Brussels I was able to take the first steps towards developing this new partnership in meeting Markos Kyprianou, formerly European Commissioner now Cypriot Foreign Minister. The new government in Cyprus is broad based and has been sure footed in its early moves. Our Prime Minister and the President of Cyprus will meet for the first time at the European Council this week. Both are pledged to take forward the relationship.

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